Chapter 1 Bricks, Beads And Bones

Introduction

The Harappan Civilisation, also known as the Indus Valley Civilisation, is a significant early urban culture. Archaeological findings like the distinct steatite seals with animal motifs and undeciphered script (Fig. 1.1) are key to understanding this society.

Archaeologists interpret houses, pottery, ornaments, tools, and seals left behind by the Harappan people to learn about their daily lives, economy, and social structure. This process involves interpreting material evidence, and interpretations can evolve over time.

Many aspects of this civilisation still remain mysterious.

Terminologies, Places And Time

The Indus Valley Civilisation is also referred to as the Harappan Civilisation, named after Harappa, the first discovered site.

Its overall timeline spans from approximately 6000 BCE to 1300 BCE. This period is divided into phases:

• Early Harappan Phase (6000 BCE - 2600 BCE): This was a preparatory or formative stage leading up to the urbanisation.
• Mature Harappan Phase (2600 BCE - 1900 BCE): Represents the peak of the civilisation, characterised by urban centres and distinct artefacts.
• Late Harappan Phase (1900 BCE - 1300 BCE): Marks the decline of the civilisation.

Characteristic artefacts like pottery, baked and unbaked bricks, seals, weights, beads, copper, and bronze items have been found across a vast geographical area. This region includes parts of modern-day Afghanistan, Baluchistan, Sindh, and Punjab in Pakistan, and various states in India (Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, and Maharashtra) (Map 1).

Over 2000 Harappan sites have been identified in the Indian subcontinent, predominantly situated within the Indus and Saraswati river basins. The majority (about two-thirds) are located in the Saraswati basin, highlighting its importance. Key urban centres include Rakhigarhi, Mohenjodaro, Harappa, Dholavira, and Ganweriwala. Other sites served as regional centres, agricultural villages, ports, or manufacturing hubs.

Dates in this context often use abbreviations:

• BP: Before Present
• BCE: Before Common Era (equivalent to BC)
• CE: Common Era (equivalent to AD)
• c.: Circa (meaning "approximately")

Beginnings

Before the Mature Harappan period, the region was home to several distinct archaeological cultures. These cultures exhibited unique pottery styles, practiced agriculture and pastoralism, and engaged in some crafts. Their settlements were generally small, lacking significant large structures. (Map 2 shows areas of Early Harappan occupation).

Recent archaeological findings suggest that the Harappan culture gradually evolved from early farming communities dating back to around 7000 BCE. The Mature Harappan urban phase was a result of this progressive transformation and internal development that occurred during the Early Harappan stage.

Subsistence Strategies

The Mature Harappan culture developed in areas that were previously occupied by Early Harappan cultures, indicating continuity in certain aspects, including how people obtained food.

The Harappans consumed a varied diet consisting of both plants and animals, including fish. Archaeologists study charred grains and seeds found at sites to reconstruct dietary practices. Specialists called archaeo-botanists analyse these ancient plant remains. Grains recovered include wheat, barley, lentils, chickpeas, and sesame. Millets have been found at sites in Gujarat, while rice appears to have been less common.

Bones of animals like cattle, sheep, goat, buffalo, and pig found at Harappan sites suggest these animals were domesticated. Studies by archaeo-zoologists (or zooarchaeologists) confirm this. Bones of wild animals such as boar, deer, and gharial are also present, though it's unclear if the Harappans hunted them or obtained meat from other hunting groups. Fish and fowl bones have also been found.

Agricultural Technologies

While the presence of grains indicates agriculture was practiced, understanding the methods used is challenging. Archaeologists infer practices from indirect evidence.

• Representations of bulls on seals and terracotta figurines (Fig. 1.3) suggest that oxen were known and likely used for ploughing.
• Terracotta models of ploughs have been discovered at sites in Cholistan and Banawali (Haryana).
• Evidence of a ploughed field from the Early Harappan period has been found at Kalibangan (Rajasthan). This field shows furrows crossing each other at right angles, possibly indicating the practice of growing two different crops simultaneously.
• Tools used for harvesting are less clear; it's debated whether they used stone blades in wooden handles or metal tools (Fig. 1.4).

Most Harappan sites are located in semi-arid regions, implying the necessity of irrigation for successful agriculture. Traces of canals have been found at Shortughai in Afghanistan, a Harappan site, but not widely in Punjab or Sindh. It's possible ancient canals have long since silted up. Water from wells was likely also used for irrigation. Additionally, large water reservoirs discovered at Dholavira (Gujarat) (Fig. 1.5) may have been used for storing water for agricultural purposes.

How Artefacts Are Identified

Archaeologists identify the purpose of ancient artefacts by studying their form, material, and context, often drawing analogies with present-day objects. Food processing tools like grinding equipment, mixing vessels, and cooking pots were made from materials such as stone, metal, and terracotta.

Saddle querns (Fig. 1.6) were common grinding tools for cereals. These were typically made from hard, gritty stones and show significant wear. Due to their curved bases, they were likely set into the ground or mud to prevent movement during use. Two types existed:

• One where a smaller stone was rolled back and forth over the nether stone (likely for grinding grains).
• Another where a second stone was used as a pounder, creating a cavity in the base stone (possibly used for pounding herbs and spices, sometimes referred to as "curry stones").

Using modern analogies, like comparing ancient querns to modern grinding stones, can be a useful strategy for archaeologists in understanding the potential function of artefacts, though it requires careful consideration and cross-referencing with other evidence.

Mohanjodaro A Planned Urban Centre

One of the defining characteristics of the Harappan civilisation was the development of well-planned urban centres. Mohenjodaro is the most famous example, although Harappa was discovered first. Harappa, unfortunately, suffered significant damage due to brick robbing in the 19th century (Reportedly enough bricks were taken to lay 100 miles of railway line), leaving Mohenjodaro better preserved.

Mohenjodaro's settlement layout is distinctly divided into two main sections (Fig. 1.7):

• The Citadel: A smaller area, but situated at a higher elevation. Its height was achieved by constructing buildings on large mud-brick platforms. It was surrounded by walls, physically separating it from the other part of the city.
• The Lower Town: A much larger area located at a lower elevation. This area was also walled. Many buildings here were also built on platforms, serving as foundations. Estimates suggest the construction of these platforms involved a massive mobilisation of labour (millions of person-days).

The planned nature of the settlement is evident. Building activities were restricted to fixed areas on the platforms, implying the city was designed before construction. A key indicator of planning is the use of standardised bricks across all Harappan settlements, regardless of location. These bricks, whether sun-dried or baked, consistently maintained a length-to-breadth-to-height ratio of 4:2:1.

Variations exist; sites like Dholavira and Lothal had their entire settlements fortified, with internal sections also separated by walls. At Lothal, the Citadel wasn't walled off from the Lower Town but was built on a raised structure.

Laying Out Drains

A particularly remarkable feature of Harappan cities was their sophisticated drainage system. Streets and roads were laid out following an approximate grid pattern, intersecting at right angles. Evidence suggests that streets with drains were constructed first, and then houses were built alongside them. To ensure domestic wastewater flowed into the street drains, houses were positioned with at least one wall facing a street.

Domestic Architecture

Residential buildings in the Lower Town of Mohenjodaro offer insights into domestic life. Many houses were organised around a central courtyard (Fig. 1.9), with rooms surrounding it. The courtyard likely served as a focal point for activities like cooking and weaving, especially in hot and dry conditions.

Privacy seems to have been a consideration in house design:

• There were generally no windows in the ground-level walls along the streets.
• The main entrance typically did not provide a direct view into the interior or the courtyard.

Each house possessed a private bathroom paved with bricks. Drains from these bathrooms passed through the wall to connect to the street drains. Some houses show remnants of staircases, indicating the presence of upper floors or accessible roofs. Many dwellings had wells, often located in a room accessible from the outside, potentially for the use of passers-by. Estimates suggest Mohenjodaro might have had around 700 wells in total.

The Most Ancient System Yet Discovered

The Harappan drainage system is considered exceptionally advanced for its time. John Mackay noted it as "certainly the most complete ancient system as yet discovered."

Key features of the drainage system:

• Every house was linked to the street drains.
• Main drainage channels were constructed using bricks set in mortar and covered with loose bricks or sometimes limestone slabs for easy cleaning.
• House drains often emptied into a sump or cesspit where solid waste could settle before the liquid wastewater flowed into the main street drains.
• Long drainage channels had sumps at intervals to facilitate cleaning.

The discovery of small piles of debris alongside drains suggests that the system was actively maintained, although the waste wasn't always fully removed from the vicinity.

Even smaller settlements exhibited drainage systems. At Lothal, for example, despite houses being built of mud bricks, the drains were constructed using burnt bricks, highlighting the importance placed on drainage.

The Citadel

The elevated Citadel area appears to have housed structures likely intended for special public uses (Fig. 1.10). Two notable structures found here are:

• The Warehouse: A substantial structure, though only the lower brick foundation remains today. The upper parts were likely made of wood and have decayed.
• The Great Bath: A large rectangular tank situated in a courtyard. It was surrounded by a corridor on all sides. Steps led down into the tank from the north and south. The tank was made watertight using carefully laid bricks set with gypsum mortar. Rooms were located on three sides of the courtyard, one containing a large well. Water from the tank would flow into a large drain.

Adjacent to the Great Bath, across a lane, was a smaller building containing eight bathrooms, four on each side of a corridor, with each bathroom connected to a corridor drain. The unique nature of the Great Bath and its location within the Citadel, surrounded by distinctive public buildings, has led scholars to believe it was used for a significant ritual bath.

Tracking Social Differences

Archaeologists employ various methods to infer social and economic disparities among people in ancient cultures. Studying burials and the artefacts found within them is one key strategy.

Burials

In Harappan sites, the deceased were typically interred in pits. While most burials were simple, some exhibited variations, such as burial pits lined with bricks. It's uncertain if these differences directly indicate social stratification.

Some graves contained pottery and ornaments, suggesting a belief in an afterlife where these items might be needed. Jewellery has been found in the burials of both men and women. A notable discovery in a Harappan cemetery excavation in the 1980s was an ornament near a male skull, comprising shell rings, a jasper bead, and numerous micro-beads. Copper mirrors have also been found in some burials (Fig. 1.11).

Overall, the practice of burying precious items with the dead does not appear to have been common among the Harappans, contrasting with the elaborate royal burials found in contemporary Egyptian pyramids which contained vast wealth.

Looking For “Luxuries”

Another approach to identifying social differences involves categorising artefacts as either utilitarian or luxury items. Utilitarian objects are those used in daily life, generally easy to produce from common materials like stone or clay (e.g., querns, pottery, needles, body scrubbers). These are usually found widely distributed across settlements.

Objects are considered luxuries if they are:

• Rarely found.
• Made from expensive, non-local materials.
• Produced using complex technologies.

For example, small pots made of faience (Fig. 1.12), a material created from ground sand or silica mixed with colour and gum and then fired, were likely considered valuable because of the difficulty in their manufacture.

The classification can be ambiguous when seemingly everyday items, like spindle whorls, are made from rare materials such as faience.

Studying the distribution of such artefacts provides further clues. Rare objects made from valuable materials tend to be concentrated in larger urban centres like Mohenjodaro and Harappa, and are seldom found in smaller settlements like Kalibangan. Miniature faience pots, potentially used for perfume, are mostly found in the large cities. Gold was scarce and likely prized, with all discovered gold jewellery found in hoards (collections of objects carefully stored, possibly for reuse or safekeeping).

Finding Out About Craft Production

Chanhudaro, a small settlement much smaller than Mohenjodaro, appears to have been a major centre dedicated almost exclusively to craft production. Activities there included bead-making, shell-cutting, metal-working, seal-making, and weight-making.

The diversity of materials used for making beads was impressive. These included various stones (carnelian, jasper, crystal, quartz, steatite), metals (copper, bronze, gold), as well as shell, faience, and terracotta. Beads were often made by joining two or more stones or by adding gold caps to stone beads. A wide array of shapes were produced (disc, cylindrical, spherical, barrel, segmented), and some were decorated with incisions, painting, or etching (Fig. 1.13).

Different materials required specific techniques. Steatite, being soft, was easily shaped. Some beads were moulded from a steatite powder paste, allowing for more varied shapes compared to the geometrical forms made from harder stones. The method used to create incredibly small steatite micro-beads remains a puzzle for archaeologists.

Archaeological experiments have helped understand the production process for some materials. The deep red colour of carnelian beads, for instance, was achieved by firing the yellowish raw material and beads at different stages. Production involved chipping nodules into rough shapes, then finely flaking them into the final form. Grinding, polishing, and drilling steps completed the process. Specialised drills used for bead-making have been found at Chanhudaro, Lothal, and Dholavira.

Sites located near the coast, such as Nageshwar and Balakot, were specialised centres for producing shell objects like bangles, ladles, and inlay work. These finished shell products were likely transported to other settlements. Similarly, finished goods like beads from Chanhudaro and Lothal were probably supplied to larger urban centres like Mohenjodaro and Harappa.

Identifying Centres Of Production

Archaeologists identify ancient craft production centres by looking for specific types of evidence at a site:

• Raw materials: Presence of raw materials like stone nodules, whole shells, or copper ore.
• Tools: Finding tools used for specific crafts.
• Unfinished objects: Artefacts that were not completed.
• Rejects and waste material: Pieces discarded during the production process.

Waste material is particularly useful as an indicator. When materials like shell or stone are cut, the discarded pieces remain at the production location. Larger waste pieces might be reused to make smaller items, but tiny fragments are often left behind. The presence of these traces indicates that besides dedicated, smaller specialised centres, craft production also took place within the large cities like Mohenjodaro and Harappa.

Strategies For Procuring Materials

Craft production relied on a variety of materials. While some, like clay, were locally available, others, such as stone, timber, and metal, had to be acquired from outside the immediate alluvial plains of the Indus region.

Terracotta toy models of bullock carts (Fig. 1.29) suggest that land routes, likely using such carts, were used for transporting goods and people. Riverine transport along the Indus and its tributaries, as well as coastal routes, were also probably utilised.

Materials From The Subcontinent And Beyond

The Harappans obtained raw materials through several methods:

• Establishing Settlements: They set up settlements in areas rich in specific resources. Examples include Nageshwar and Balakot near the coast for shell procurement. Shortughai in Afghanistan was established near the best source of lapis lazuli, a highly valued blue stone. Lothal was strategically located near sources of carnelian (from Bharuch, Gujarat), steatite (from south Rajasthan and north Gujarat), and metal (from Rajasthan).
• Sending Expeditions: Expeditions were likely sent to resource-rich areas like the Khetri region in Rajasthan for copper and south India for gold. These expeditions facilitated contact and exchange with local populations. Occasional finds of Harappan artefacts, such as steatite micro-beads, in these regions suggest such interactions.

In the Khetri area, archaeological evidence points to the existence of the Ganeshwar-Jodhpura culture, distinct from the Harappan culture in its pottery but possessing a remarkable abundance of copper objects (Fig.1.16). It's plausible that people of this culture were suppliers of copper to the Harappans.

Contact With Distant Lands

Evidence suggests that the Harappans had trade contacts extending beyond the subcontinent, particularly to West Asia (Map 3).

• Oman: Archaeological findings, including chemical analysis showing traces of nickel in both Omani copper and Harappan copper artefacts, suggest copper was likely imported from Oman (on the Arabian Peninsula). A distinctive large Harappan jar coated with thick black clay has been found at Omani sites (Fig. 1.17). This coating prevents liquid seepage, although the contents are unknown; it's speculated the Harappans exchanged the contents for Omani copper.
• Mesopotamia: Texts from Mesopotamia dating to the 3rd millennium BCE mention contact with regions named Dilmun (possibly Bahrain), Magan (likely Oman), and Meluhha (possibly the Harappan region). These texts list products imported from Meluhha, including carnelian, lapis lazuli, copper, gold, and various woods. A Mesopotamian myth mentions the "haja-bird" (thought to be the peacock) from Meluhha.
• Evidence of Contact: Harappan seals, weights, dice, and beads have been found at Mesopotamian sites, indicating exchange. Conversely, a cylinder seal typical of Mesopotamia but featuring a Harappan motif (humped bull) (Fig. 1.18) and round "Persian Gulf" seals (Fig. 1.19) found in Bahrain, some with Harappan motifs and weights following the Harappan standard, further confirm interactions.

Mesopotamian texts describe Meluhha as a land of seafarers, and depictions of ships and boats on Harappan seals (Fig. 1.20) support the idea that communication with Oman, Bahrain, and Mesopotamia likely occurred via sea routes.

Seals, Script, Weights

The Harappan civilisation is well-known for its unique seals, script, and system of weights.

Seals And Sealings

Seals and sealings played a crucial role in facilitating long-distance trade and communication. When sending goods, the mouth of a bag or package would be tied with rope. Wet clay was applied to the knot, and one or more seals were pressed into the clay to leave an impression, creating a sealing (Fig. 1.22).

If the package arrived with the sealing intact, it indicated that the contents had not been tampered with during transit. The sealing also served to identify the sender.

An Enigmatic Script

Harappan seals typically feature a line of writing above an animal motif. This writing is believed to represent the owner's name and title. The animal motif likely conveyed meaning to those who were unable to read the script.

The Harappan script remains undeciphered to this day. Most inscriptions are short, the longest known containing only about 26 signs. It is clearly not an alphabetical script, as it contains a large number of signs (estimated between 375 and 400), too many for each sign to represent a single vowel or consonant.

Based on the spacing of signs on some seals (wider spacing on the right, cramping on the left), it appears the script was generally written from right to left, similar to some modern scripts.

Writing has been found on a variety of objects beyond seals, including copper tools, jar rims, copper and terracotta tablets, jewellery, bone rods, and even a large signboard found at Dholavira (Fig. 1.21). The existence of writing on perishable materials is also possible. The presence of script on so many different items raises the question of how widespread literacy was in Harappan society.

Weights

Exchanges and trade within the Harappan civilisation were regulated by a precise system of weights. These weights were commonly made from chert, a hard stone, and were generally cubical with no markings (Fig. 1.2).

The weight system followed a combination of binary and decimal principles:

• Lower denominations followed a binary system (1, 2, 4, 8, 16, 32...).
• Higher denominations followed a decimal system (160, 200, 320, 640...).

Smaller weights were likely used for weighing valuable items like jewellery and beads. Metal scale-pans have also been discovered, suggesting the use of balances for accurate weighing.

Ancient Authority

The evidence from Harappan sites points to the existence of a complex society capable of taking and implementing significant decisions. Indicators include:

• Uniformity of Artefacts: Remarkable standardisation in pottery, seals, weights, and especially bricks. Although produced in multiple locations, bricks consistently had a 4:2:1 length:breadth:height ratio across the entire vast region, from Jammu to Gujarat.
• Planned Settlements: Cities like Mohenjodaro show evidence of careful planning and strategic location choice.
• Mobilisation of Labour: The scale of construction, particularly the massive walls and platforms in cities, required the organisation and mobilisation of labour on a large scale.

The question of who organised and implemented these activities, i.e., the nature of the ancient authority, is a subject of debate among archaeologists.

Palaces And Kings

Finding a clear centre of power or depictions of rulers in the archaeological record is difficult. While a large building at Mohenjodaro was initially identified as a "palace," no significant royal artefacts were found associated with it. A stone statue was labelled the "priest-king" (Fig. 1.23) due to perceived parallels with Mesopotamian rulers, but its function and whether it represents a ruler remain speculative.

The religious practices of the Harappans are not fully understood, making it difficult to determine if individuals involved in rituals also held political power.

Different theories exist regarding the nature of Harappan authority:

• Some archaeologists believe there were no rulers and that everyone had equal status.
• Others propose the existence of multiple rulers, perhaps one for each major city like Mohenjodaro and Harappa.
• A third view argues for a single state or governing authority, citing the widespread uniformity of artefacts, planned settlements, standardised bricks, and resource-based settlement locations as evidence of centralised control.

Some interpretations suggest the Harappans might have practiced a form of democratic system, with structures primarily serving practical purposes rather than displaying individual power.

The End Of The Civilisation

Evidence indicates a significant decline and abandonment of many Mature Harappan sites around 1800 BCE, particularly in regions like Cholistan. Concurrently, there was a shift in population towards new settlements in Gujarat, Haryana, and western Uttar Pradesh (Map 4).

In the few Harappan sites that continued to be inhabited after 1900 BCE, there is evidence of a transformation in material culture, marking the transition to the "Late Harappan" or "successor cultures". Key features of this decline include:

• Disappearance of distinctive Mature Harappan artefacts like weights, seals, and specific types of beads.
• Cessation of writing and long-distance trade.
• Decline in craft specialisation.
• Reduced use of materials and production of fewer goods.
• Deterioration in house construction quality and the absence of large public structures.

Overall, the artefacts and settlements from this later phase point towards a more rural way of life.

Various theories attempt to explain the collapse of the civilisation, including climatic change, deforestation, excessive floods, changes in river courses (shifting or drying up), and overuse of the environment. While some factors might explain the decline of individual settlements, they don't fully account for the end of the entire civilisation.

A strong possibility is that a unifying element, potentially a centralised Harappan state, ceased to function effectively. This is supported by the loss of standardised systems (seals, script, weights) and the decline and abandonment of urban centres. Following this collapse, it took over a thousand years for new urban centres to emerge in different parts of the subcontinent.

Evidence Of An “Invasion”

Early archaeological interpretations sometimes suggested that external invasions, possibly by Aryans as mentioned in the Rigveda, might have caused the collapse of the Harappan civilisation.

Excavations at Mohenjodaro revealed skeletal remains in circumstances that some early archaeologists, including John Marshall and R.E.M. Wheeler, interpreted as evidence of a massacre or invasion. Wheeler, in 1947, linked these findings to Rigvedic mentions of forts (pur) and Indra as 'puramdara' (fort-destroyer), suggesting a conflict.

However, this "massacre" theory was challenged in the 1960s by archaeologists like George Dales. Re-examination of the evidence showed that the skeletons did not all belong to the same period. While a few might suggest violent death, most were found in contexts resembling haphazard burials. Crucially, there was no evidence of a widespread destruction layer, extensive burning, or bodies of warriors in armour. The fortified Citadel showed no signs of a final defence effort.

This re-evaluation demonstrates how careful analysis can overturn earlier interpretations.

More recent research, specifically archaeogenetic studies on skeletal remains from Rakhigarhi (one of the largest Harappan cities), provides new insights. Analysis of ancient DNA suggests that the Harappan people were indigenous to the region, with genetic roots tracing back to around 10,000 BCE. The DNA shows continuity with a majority of the modern South Asian population. While there is some genetic mixing from contact with other regions (due to trade), the evidence does not support a large-scale immigration event like an 'Aryan invasion' causing the end of the civilisation.

3D facial reconstructions based on the Rakhigarhi skeletons show remarkable similarity to modern populations in Haryana, suggesting unbroken continuity in the region's genetic and cultural history over 5000 years. As Harappans moved westward, their genetic markers also spread.

Discovering The Harappan Civilisation

Understanding the Harappan civilisation relies heavily on archaeological material evidence because the script remains undeciphered. Artefacts like pottery, tools, ornaments, and household items are crucial sources. Organic materials (cloth, wood) generally do not survive in the climate, but stone, burnt clay, and metal do.

Artefacts found are often broken or discarded items. Valuable objects that are found intact were likely lost or were part of hoards never retrieved. Therefore, intact finds can sometimes be exceptional rather than representative of everyday life.

Cunningham’S Confusion

When Alexander Cunningham, the first Director-General of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), began his work in the mid-19th century, archaeologists primarily relied on written sources (texts, inscriptions) to guide excavations. Cunningham's main focus was on the archaeology of later periods, particularly the Early Historic period (c. 6th century BCE onwards). He used accounts from Chinese Buddhist pilgrims to locate ancient sites.

Cunningham did find Harappan artefacts during his surveys in the 19th century, including a Harappan seal given to him by an Englishman (Fig. 1.24). However, he failed to recognise their ancient significance. He tried to place them within the historical framework he was familiar with, believing Indian history began with the cities in the Ganga valley (much later than the Harappa). Because Harappa wasn't mentioned by the Chinese pilgrims and didn't fit his Early Historic focus, he missed the true age and importance of the artefacts.

Sites, Mounds, Layers

Archaeological sites are formed over long periods as people occupy a place, use and discard materials, and build structures. Continuous occupation leads to the accumulation of occupational debris, forming elevated areas known as mounds.

Periods of abandonment result in natural processes like wind or water erosion altering the landscape. Occupation layers can be identified by traces of human activity and artefacts. These layers differ in colour, texture, and the types of artefacts found within them. Layers formed during periods of abandonment, called "sterile layers," lack such traces.

Generally, deeper layers within a mound are older than the upper layers (Fig. 1.25). The study of these layers, known as stratigraphy, allows archaeologists to determine the chronological sequence of occupations at a site and assign artefacts to specific cultural periods.

A New Old Civilisation

The true significance of Harappan artefacts began to be understood in the early 20th century. Daya Ram Sahni discovered seals at Harappa in layers significantly older than the Early Historic levels. Subsequently, Rakhal Das Banerji found similar seals at Mohenjodaro, leading to the realisation that Harappa and Mohenjodaro were part of a single, previously unknown culture.

In 1924, John Marshall, then Director-General of the ASI, officially announced the discovery of the Indus Valley Civilisation to the world. The discovery of similar, unidentified seals at contemporary Mesopotamian sites helped date the Harappan civilisation, establishing it as a culture contemporaneous with Mesopotamia. As noted by S.N. Roy, this essentially made "India three thousand years older" in the eyes of the world.

John Marshall was the first professional archaeologist in India, bringing experience from Greece and Crete. While interested in spectacular finds, he also sought to understand patterns of daily life. However, his excavation method of digging in uniform horizontal units across the mound, without strictly following the natural stratigraphic layers, led to the loss of valuable information about the context and chronological relationship of artefacts found in different layers.

New Techniques And Questions

R.E.M. Wheeler, who became Director-General of the ASI in 1944, corrected Marshall's approach. Wheeler emphasised the importance of following the natural stratigraphy of the mound during excavation. He brought military precision to archaeological practice, stressing careful recording and analysis of layers.

Following the partition of the subcontinent in 1947, major known Harappan sites became part of Pakistan, prompting Indian archaeologists to search for and excavate sites within India. Extensive surveys and excavations in regions like Kutch, Punjab, and Haryana led to the discovery and exploration of many new Harappan sites, including Kalibangan, Lothal, Rakhigarhi, and Dholavira. This work continues today.

Over time, the focus of Harappan archaeology has broadened. While some archaeologists still focus on establishing cultural sequences, others study the factors influencing site location or analyse artefacts to understand their function. Since the 1980s, there has been increased international collaboration. Joint teams use modern scientific techniques, including surface exploration and detailed analysis of various remains (clay, stone, metal, plant, animal), promising further discoveries in the future.

Problems Of Piecing Together The Past

Reconstructing the Harappan past is challenging, primarily because their script remains undeciphered. Archaeologists must rely on material evidence such as artefacts, structures, and environmental remains.

Interpreting these finds requires careful classification and understanding of their context. Artefacts are classified by material (stone, clay, metal, bone) and by function (tool, ornament, ritual object). Determining function often involves comparing ancient artefacts to modern objects or analysing where they were found (in a house, drain, grave, kiln).

Sometimes, indirect evidence must be used. For example, traces of cotton indicate textile use, but depictions in sculpture provide details about clothing styles.

Establishing a frame of reference is vital. The first Harappan seal was only understood after similar finds in Mesopotamia provided a comparative context and the site itself was placed within its cultural sequence.

Classifying Finds

The process of understanding the past begins after artefacts are recovered. Archaeologists classify these finds primarily by their material (stone, clay, metal, etc.). A more complex classification involves determining the object's function. Deciding if an object was a tool, ornament, or ritual item can be challenging.

Analogy with present-day objects (like beads, querns, pots) is often used to infer function. The context of a find—where it was found (in a house, drain, grave, kiln)—is also crucial for interpretation.

In some cases, where direct evidence is lacking (like details about clothing), archaeologists rely on indirect evidence such as depictions in art.

The ability to interpret finds correctly depends on having a framework, including understanding the cultural sequence of the site and comparing finds with similar objects from other known civilisations, as seen with the first Harappan seal.

Problems Of Interpretation

Interpreting religious practices presents some of the greatest challenges in Harappan archaeology. Early archaeologists often attributed religious significance to unusual or unfamiliar objects.

• Terracotta figurines of women, often heavily adorned, were interpreted as representations of a "mother goddess" (Fig. 1.26).
• Rare stone statues of men in a seated posture, like the "priest-king," were also seen as having ritual significance.
• Certain structures, such as the Great Bath and fire altars found at sites like Kalibangan and Lothal, have been interpreted as having ritual functions.

Attempts are also made to reconstruct religious beliefs from seals. Some seals depict scenes that seem ritualistic, while others with plant motifs are interpreted as evidence of nature worship. Certain animal depictions, like the one-horned "unicorn," appear to be mythical creatures.

A figure shown seated cross-legged in a "yogic" posture on some seals, sometimes surrounded by animals, has been labelled "proto-Shiva" (Fig. 1.27), linking it to later Hindu deities. Conical stone objects (Fig. 1.28) have been classified as lingas, symbols associated with Shiva in later traditions.

Many interpretations of Harappan religion rely on the assumption that later traditions (like Hinduism) provide parallels to earlier practices. This "known to unknown" approach is reasonable for functional items like pots but becomes speculative when applied to complex religious symbolism. For instance, the Rigveda mentions a god Rudra (later associated with Shiva), but his description doesn't align neatly with the "proto-Shiva" depiction on the seals, which is depicted as a lord of animals and a yogi. This discrepancy leads some scholars to suggest the figure might represent something else, perhaps a shaman.

Shamans

Shamans are individuals, both men and women, in some cultures who are believed to possess magical and healing abilities and the capacity to communicate with the spiritual world. Some scholars have suggested that the figure depicted on the "proto-Shiva" seal might represent a shaman rather than a deity.

Despite decades of archaeological work, many questions about the Harappan civilisation remain unanswered. We have a reasonable understanding of their economy and some insights into social differences and how the civilisation functioned. However, the decipherment of the script could potentially answer questions about their language and provide much deeper insights. Many interpretations, particularly concerning religion and the exact nature of authority, remain speculative.

Further research is needed on issues like literacy levels, reasons for apparent lack of strong social differentiation in cemeteries, and gender roles in craft production. The relationship between the Harappans and the Vedic people, debated by some scholars, also requires more investigation.