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Chapter 5 Through The Eyes Of Travellers
Introduction
Throughout history, people have undertaken journeys for various reasons: seeking employment, escaping natural disasters, engaging in trade, serving as soldiers, priests, or pilgrims, or simply driven by a sense of adventure.
Upon arriving in unfamiliar lands, travellers invariably encounter different landscapes, environments, customs, languages, beliefs, and practices. While many adapt to these differences, some, particularly insightful observers, record their observations, focusing on what they perceive as unusual or noteworthy. Although women also travelled, their accounts are largely absent from the historical record.
Surviving travel accounts are diverse in their focus. Some detail court affairs, while others concentrate on religious practices, architectural features, or monuments. For instance, valuable insights into the city of Vijayanagara in the 15th century come from the account of Abdur Razzaq Samarqandi, a diplomat from Herat.
Even within empires like the Mughal Empire (Chapters 8 and 9), administrators sometimes travelled and documented local customs, folklore, and traditions.
This chapter focuses on the perspectives of three prominent travellers who visited the Indian subcontinent between the 10th and 17th centuries, providing unique views of its society: Al-Biruni (from Uzbekistan, 11th century), Ibn Battuta (from Morocco, 14th century), and François Bernier (from France, 17th century).
These travellers came from distinct social and cultural backgrounds, making them keenly observant of everyday Indian activities and practices that were often considered mundane and therefore not recorded by local writers (like the coconut and paan, Fig 5.1a and 5.1b). This difference in perspective makes their accounts valuable historical sources. The specific audience for whom these travellers wrote varied, influencing the content and style of their works.
Al-Biruni And The Kitab-Ul-Hind
Al-Biruni (973-1048) was a scholar from Khwarizm, a significant centre of learning in modern-day Uzbekistan.
From Khwarizm To The Punjab
Al-Biruni received a comprehensive education and was proficient in multiple languages, including Syriac, Arabic, Persian, Hebrew, and Sanskrit. Although he did not know Greek, he was familiar with the works of Greek philosophers like Plato through Arabic translations.
In 1017, Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni invaded Khwarizm and took many scholars, including Al-Biruni, back to his capital. Initially a hostage, Al-Biruni developed an affinity for Ghazni, where he lived until his death.
It was in Ghazni that Al-Biruni's interest in India blossomed. This was facilitated by existing intellectual contacts, as Sanskrit works on subjects like astronomy, mathematics, and medicine had been translated into Arabic since the 8th century. When Punjab became part of the Ghaznavid empire, interactions with the local populace fostered an environment conducive to learning.
Al-Biruni spent several years with Brahmana scholars and priests, dedicating himself to learning Sanskrit and studying Indian religious and philosophical texts. While his exact travel route is unclear, he likely travelled widely within Punjab and parts of northern India. Travel writing was already a recognised genre in Arabic literature, covering vast regions from the Sahara to the Volga River. Thus, while Al-Biruni's work might not have been widely read *within* India before 1500, it found an audience elsewhere.
Al-Biruni's linguistic skills were key to his work, enabling him to compare languages and translate texts. He translated Sanskrit works, including Patanjali's grammar, into Arabic. He also translated Greek mathematician Euclid's works into Sanskrit for his Brahmana associates.
Al-Biruni himself stated his work aimed to assist those wanting to discuss religious matters with Hindus and to provide information for those interacting with them (Source 1).
Source 1. Al-Biruni’s objectives
Al-Biruni described his work as:
a help to those who want to discuss religious questions with them (the Hindus), and as a repertory of information to those who want to associate with them.
Answer:
Based on his comprehensive approach in the Kitab-ul-Hind, which covered religion, philosophy, customs, social life, and more, Al-Biruni's work largely met his stated objectives. The book's detailed descriptions, drawn heavily from Sanskritic traditions and presented in a structured format, provided readers with information necessary for understanding Hindu beliefs and practices, thus serving as "a help to those who want to discuss religious questions." By covering a wide range of social and cultural aspects ("manners and customs, social life"), it also functioned as a "repertory of information" for those seeking to "associate with them," offering practical and cultural insights. His method of comparing Indian practices with other cultures further facilitated understanding for an external audience.
The term "Hindu" originated from the Old Persian word for the region east of the Sindhu (Indus) river (c. 6th-5th centuries BCE). Arabs adopted this usage, referring to the region as "al-Hind" and its people as "Hindi." Later, Turks called the people east of the Indus "Hindu," their land "Hindustan," and their language "Hindavi." These terms initially referred to geographical and cultural identity, not religious affiliation. The religious connotation developed much later.
The Kitab-Ul-Hind
Al-Biruni's most famous work is the Kitab-ul-Hind (literally, 'Book of India'), written in clear and simple Arabic. This extensive text comprises 80 chapters covering diverse subjects:
- Religion and philosophy
- Festivals
- Astronomy
- Alchemy
- Manners and customs
- Social life
- Weights and measures (Metrology)
- Iconography
- Laws
Each chapter typically follows a systematic structure: starting with a question, followed by a description based on Sanskritic traditions, and concluding with a comparison to other cultures. This precise, almost mathematical, structure is considered a hallmark of Al-Biruni's writing, reflecting his scientific background.
Writing in Arabic, Al-Biruni likely intended his work for audiences outside the subcontinent, particularly those in areas bordering India. He was aware of existing Arabic translations of Indian texts but aimed to provide a more comprehensive and structured account, being critical of the quality of some earlier translations.
Ibn Battuta’S Rihla
Ibn Battuta (1304-1377) was a Moroccan traveller whose travelogue, the Rihla (literally, 'Travels'), provides rich details about life in the 14th-century subcontinent.
An Early Globe-Trotter
Born into a respected family in Tangier, Morocco, known for their expertise in Islamic religious law (shari'a), Ibn Battuta received a good education. However, he valued personal travel experience above book learning (Source 2).
Source 2. The bird leaves its nest
This is an excerpt from the Rihla:
My departure from Tangier, my birthplace, took place on Thursday ... I set out alone, having neither fellowtraveller ... nor caravan whose party I might join, but swayed by an overmastering impulse within me and a desire long-cherished in my bosom to visit these illustrious sanctuaries. So I braced my resolution to quit all my dear ones, female and male, and forsook my home as birds forsake their nests ... My age at that time was twenty-two years.
Ibn Battuta returned home in 1354, about 30 years after he had set out.
Answer:
This passage, written in the first person and expressing deep personal feelings ("overmastering impulse," "desire long-cherished," "braced my resolution," "forsook my home as birds forsake their nests"), strongly suggests it was written from Ibn Battuta's own perspective. It directly conveys his motivations and the personal sacrifice involved in beginning his extensive travels, reflecting his individual experience and mindset at the start of his journey.
Before arriving in India in 1332-33, he had already undertaken pilgrimages to Mecca and travelled extensively across North Africa, West Asia, and East African coastal ports. He reached Sind in 1333 by overland routes through Central Asia.
Drawn by the reputation of Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq as a generous patron, he journeyed to Delhi. Impressed by Ibn Battuta's scholarship, the Sultan appointed him as the qazi (judge) of Delhi. He held this position for several years but later fell out of favour and was imprisoned. After reconciliation, he was reinstated and sent as the Sultan's envoy to the Mongol ruler in China in 1342.
His journey to China involved travelling through central India to the Malabar coast, a stay in the Maldives (serving as qazi), a visit to Sri Lanka, and further travels along the Malabar coast, Maldives, Bengal, and Assam before finally sailing to Sumatra and then to the Chinese port of Zaytun (Quanzhou). He travelled widely in China, even visiting Beijing, before returning home in 1347.
Ibn Battuta's extensive travels make him comparable to Marco Polo, who visited China and India in the late 13th century.
Travelling in the 14th century was arduous and dangerous (Fig. 5.3 depicts robbers attacking travellers). Ibn Battuta provides details on travel times: 40 days from Multan to Delhi, 50 days from Sind to Delhi, 40 days from Daulatabad to Delhi. He was attacked by robbers multiple times and preferred travelling in caravans, although even these were not always safe. His personal account of falling ill and feeling homesick during his travels underscores the challenges (Source on the lonely traveller).
Despite the dangers, travelling in caravans offered some measure of safety in numbers, as well as companionship. The image of a boat carrying armed passengers (Fig 5.4) suggests that even riverine travel might have faced threats, or that travellers were prepared for potential dangers during their journeys which often involved disembarking and traveling overland.
The Enjoyment Of Curiosities
Ibn Battuta was an eager observer of new cultures, people, and practices. Upon his return to Morocco, the ruler instructed that his experiences be recorded, leading to the creation of the Rihla. The purpose was to document the places he saw and the "interesting events which had clung to his memory," as well as encounters with rulers, scholars, and saints (Source 3).
Source 3. Education and entertainment
This is what Ibn Juzayy, who was deputed to write what Ibn Battuta dictated, said in his introduction:
A gracious direction was transmitted (by the ruler) that he (Ibn Battuta) should dictate an account of the cities which he had seen in his travel, and of the interesting events which had clung to his memory, and that he should speak of those whom he had met of the rulers of countries, of their distinguished men of learning, and their pious saints.
Accordingly, he dictated upon these subjects a narrative which gave entertainment to the mind and delight to the ears and eyes, with a variety of curious particulars by the exposition of which he gave edification and of marvellous things, by referring to which he aroused interest.
Answer:
Ibn Juzayy's introduction explicitly states that the purpose of recording Ibn Battuta's travels was multifaceted:
- To document places and events: To provide an account of the cities and memorable events encountered.
- To record encounters with notable figures: To describe interactions with rulers, scholars, and saints.
- To provide entertainment and delight: The narrative was intended to be engaging and pleasurable for the audience.
- To offer edification and arouse interest: Through detailing curious and marvellous particulars, the work aimed to be informative and captivating.
Therefore, the primary purposes were a combination of historical documentation, biographical accounts of significant people, and providing an entertaining and educational narrative about the distant and unfamiliar world Ibn Battuta had experienced. It wasn't solely for academic or religious purposes, but also to satisfy curiosity and provide pleasure to the reader/listener.
The Rihla was intended to provide both education and entertainment by detailing "curious particulars" and "marvellous things," aiming to impress the audience with descriptions of distant lands. Ibn Battuta's approach often involved highlighting the unfamiliar and exotic. His fascination with differences is a key characteristic of his writing.
Other travellers followed in the footsteps of Al-Biruni and Ibn Battuta. Between 1400 and 1800, many wrote travelogues in Persian (Abdur Razzaq Samarqandi, Mahmud Wali Balkhi, Shaikh Ali Hazin). Some were deeply impressed by India, while others were critical, reflecting varied expectations and experiences. These works contributed to the circulation of ideas about India outside the subcontinent (Fig 5.5 shows travellers around a campfire, perhaps sharing stories).
François Bernier A Doctor With A Difference
With the arrival of the Portuguese in India around 1500, more Europeans began writing about Indian society and customs. Notable Portuguese writers include Duarte Barbosa, who described trade and society in south India, and the Jesuit Roberto Nobili, who translated Indian texts.
After 1600, the number of Dutch, English, and French travellers increased. Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, a French jeweller, travelled to India multiple times, focusing on trading conditions (Fig. 5.7 shows Tavernier in Indian clothes). Some, like the Italian doctor Manucci, settled in India permanently.
François Bernier (1620-1688) was a French doctor, political philosopher, and historian who came to the Mughal Empire in search of opportunities. He resided in India from 1656 to 1668, holding positions like physician to Prince Dara Shukoh and associating with Armenian noble Danishmand Khan.
Comparing East And West
Bernier's writings about his travels in India are marked by frequent comparisons between India and Europe, particularly France. His primary objective seems to have been to influence policy and intellectual discourse in Europe by presenting India in a specific light. He dedicated his main work to King Louis XIV of France and wrote letters to influential officials, often portraying India negatively compared to Europe.
Bernier's assessment was not always accurate, but his published works gained immense popularity in Europe. His 'Travels in the Mughal Empire' (published 1670-71) was quickly translated into several European languages and reprinted numerous times, indicating a strong European interest in his portrayal of India. This widespread circulation of printed books by European travellers played a significant role in shaping European perceptions of India, contrasting with the manuscript circulation of Arabic and Persian accounts (Source on the creation and circulation of ideas about India).
Bernier's travels, often accompanying the Mughal army (Source 4), provided him with diverse observations on Indian life and logistical arrangements.
Source 4. Travelling with the Mughal army
Bernier often travelled with the army. This is an excerpt from his description of the army’s march to Kashmir:
I am expected to keep two good Turkoman horses, and I also take with me a powerful Persian camel and driver, a groom for my horses, a cook and a servant to go before my horse with a flask of water in his hand, according to the custom of the country. I am also provided with every useful article, such as a tent of moderate size, a carpet, a portable bed made of four very strong but light canes, a pillow, a mattress, round leather table-cloths used at meals, some few napkins of dyed cloth, three small bags with culinary utensils which are all placed in a large bag, and this bag is again carried in a very capacious and strong double sack or net made of leather thongs. This double sack likewise contains the provisions, linen and wearing apparel, both of master and servants. I have taken care to lay in a stock of excellent rice for five or six days’ consumption, of sweet biscuits flavoured with anise (a herb), of limes and sugar. Nor have I forgotten a linen bag with its small iron hook for the purpose of suspending and draining dahi or curds; nothing being considered so refreshing in this country as lemonade and dahi.
Answer:
Comparing items Bernier took on his journey with things one might take today:
- Still Relevant Today: Rice, sweet biscuits, limes/sugar (or other forms of food/refreshment), linen/wearing apparel, culinary utensils, pillow, mattress, possibly a carpet or ground cover.
- Less Relevant Today (or significantly changed form): Horses, camel and driver, groom, servant with flask of water (modes of transport and personal service), portable bed of canes (modern beds are different/unnecessary for many types of travel), round leather table-cloths/napkins of dyed cloth (style/material differences), double sack/net of leather thongs (luggage has changed), linen bag for draining dahi (preparation of food items is different).
The key differences highlight the shift from animal-based transport and reliance on personal servants for travel to modern mechanised transport and less reliance on extensive personal retinue and traditional food preparation methods during journeys.
Bernier's account of India frequently employed binary opposition, presenting India as the opposite or "inverse" of Europe. He also ranked these perceived differences hierarchically, consistently portraying India as inferior to the Western world. This approach aimed to reinforce European notions of superiority.
Making Sense Of An Alien World Al-Biruni And The Sanskritic Tradition
Travellers developed different strategies to understand and describe unfamiliar cultures. Al-Biruni approached this task methodically, acknowledging specific "barriers" to understanding Indian society from an outsider's perspective.
Overcoming Barriers To Understanding
Al-Biruni identified three main obstacles:
- Language: He found Sanskrit vastly different from Arabic and Persian, making accurate translation of ideas and concepts difficult (Source on Sanskrit language complexity).
- Religious Beliefs and Practices: Differences in religious outlook presented a significant barrier.
- Insularity: He perceived the local population as self-absorbed and resistant to engaging with outsiders.
Despite these acknowledged difficulties, Al-Biruni relied heavily, almost exclusively, on Brahmanical texts (Vedas, Puranas, Bhagavad Gita, Patanjali, Manusmriti) to explain Indian society. This reliance meant his understanding was primarily shaped by the perspectives and norms presented in these prescriptive Sanskrit texts.
Despite relying on these texts, Al-Biruni did not blindly accept everything. When presented with accounts he found improbable, such as a wooden idol supposedly lasting for millennia, he expressed scepticism based on rational observation, questioning how wood could survive so long in a wet climate, concluding with "God knows best!" This shows an element of critical thinking alongside his use of local texts.
Al-Biruni’S Description Of The Caste System
Al-Biruni attempted to explain the Indian caste system by drawing parallels with social divisions in other societies, noting a fourfold social hierarchy in ancient Persia (knights/princes, monks/priests/lawyers, physicians/scientists, peasants/artisans). This was his way of showing that social stratification was not unique to India. He also contrasted this with the Islamic principle of equality among all men, where differences were based only on piety.
Al-Biruni provided an account of the four varnas (Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra) based on the Brahmanical concept of their origin from different parts of the primeval man (Brahman/Purusha) (Source 5).
Source 5. The system of varnas
This is Al-Biruni’s account of the system of varnas:
The highest caste are the Brahmana, of whom the books of the Hindus tell us that they were created from the head of Brahman. And as the Brahman is only another name for the force called nature, and the head is the highest part of the … body, the Brahmana are the choice part of the whole genus. Therefore the Hindus consider them as the very best of mankind.
The next caste are the Kshatriya, who were created, as they say, from the shoulders and hands of Brahman. Their degree is not much below that of the Brahmana.
After them follow the Vaishya, who were created from the thigh of Brahman.
The Shudra, who were created from his feet . . .
Between the latter two classes there is no very great distance. Much, however, as these classes differ from each other, they live together in the same towns and villages, mixed together in the same houses and lodgings.
Answer:
Comparing Al-Biruni's account (Source 5) with the Purusha sukta excerpt in Chapter 3 (Source 6):
Similarities:
- Both sources describe the origin of the four varnas (Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra) as emanating from different parts of a primeval being (called Purusha or Brahman).
- Both link the Brahmana to the head, the Kshatriya to the arms/shoulders, the Vaishya to the thighs, and the Shudra to the feet, establishing the same hierarchical order.
Differences:
- Al-Biruni provides an external interpretation of the Brahmana's origin, linking "Brahman" to "nature" and the head being the "highest part of the body" to explain their perceived status as the "best of mankind," which is an interpretative addition not explicitly in the simple Purusha sukta verse.
- Al-Biruni includes observations about the relative social distance between varnas ("not much below that of the Brahmana" for Kshatriyas, "no very great distance" between Vaishyas and Shudras), and describes their living arrangements ("live together...mixed together in the same houses and lodgings"), which are observations about social reality, not part of the foundational myth in the Purusha sukta.
Based on these comparisons and the overall context, Al-Biruni heavily depended on Sanskrit texts for the conceptual framework and origin myth of the varna system. However, his inclusion of observations about actual social interaction ("mixed together in the same towns") and his critique of the concept of pollution (discussed in the main text) suggest that he did not *only* rely on texts but also incorporated his own observations and critical analysis, indicating he did not solely depend on Sanskrit texts for his *complete* information and understanding of Indian society.
Despite his acceptance of the textual description of the varna system, Al-Biruni was critical of the concept of pollution associated with it. He argued that natural elements like the sun and salt naturally purify things, making the idea of inherent social pollution contrary to the laws of nature and practicality, as life would be impossible if impurities could not be cleansed.
Al-Biruni's account, based on normative texts, portrayed the caste system as relatively rigid. However, in reality, it was more complex. Groups classified as antyaja (born outside the system) were often subjected to social oppression but were integral to the economic system, providing essential labour.
Ibn Battuta And The Excitement Of The Unfamiliar
By the 14th century, when Ibn Battuta visited, the Indian subcontinent was linked into a vast global communication network spanning from China to North Africa and Europe. Ibn Battuta's extensive travels within this network allowed him to experience the cosmopolitan nature of urban centres where diverse people interacted.
He was particularly drawn to highlighting anything that seemed unfamiliar or extraordinary to his audience, aiming to impress them with accounts of distant, accessible worlds. His Rihla contains anecdotes about pious individuals, generous and cruel rulers, and the lives of ordinary people, always with an eye for novelty.
The Coconut And The Paan
Ibn Battuta's descriptions of the coconut and paan serve as prime examples of his strategy of representing the unfamiliar through comparisons and vivid detail, making them comprehensible and intriguing to his audience who had never seen them.
Regarding the coconut, he compared the trees to date-palms and the nuts to a man's head due to the presence of "two eyes and a mouth" (Source 6). He described the interior when green as resembling "brain" and the fibre as "hair." He also noted its practical uses (cords, cables for ships). These comparisons are appropriate in that they relate the unknown (coconut) to something known (date-palms, human features) to aid imagination. He conveys its unusual nature through the detail of its appearance and comparison to a head. His description of the external features and uses is accurate, though the "brain" comparison is figurative.
Source 6. Nuts like a man’s head
The following is how Ibn Battuta described the coconut:
These trees are among the most peculiar trees in kind and most astonishing in habit. They look exactly like date-palms, without any difference between them except that the one produces nuts as its fruits and the other produces dates. The nut of a coconut tree resembles a man’s head, for in it are what look like two eyes and a mouth, and the inside of it when it is green looks like the brain, and attached to it is a fibre which looks like hair. They make from this cords with which they sew up ships instead of (using) iron nails, and they (also) make from it cables for vessels.
Answer:
Ibn Battuta makes the following comparisons to describe coconuts:
- The coconut tree looks exactly like date-palms.
- The nut resembles a man’s head, with features like "two eyes," a "mouth," the inside looking like "brain" when green, and attached fibre resembling "hair."
These comparisons are appropriate because they connect something unknown (coconut) to familiar objects (date-palm, human head) allowing his audience to form a mental image. He conveys the unusual nature by describing its striking appearance and uses that might be different from what his audience was accustomed to (e.g., using the fibre for sewing ships instead of iron nails). His description of the tree's appearance and the uses of the fibre is accurate. The comparison of the nut to a man's head is a subjective but visually apt observation, and the comparison of the green inside to brain is figurative.
His description of the paan (betel leaves) also focuses on its cultivation (like grapevines), appearance (no fruit, only leaves), and the process of chewing it with areca nut and chalk (Source 7). This practice, involving multiple ingredients and steps, was clearly intriguing due to its novelty and local popularity.
Source 7. The paan
Read Ibn Battuta’s description of the paan:
The betel is a tree which is cultivated in the same manner as the grape-vine; … The betel has no fruit and is grown only for the sake of its leaves … The manner of its use is that before eating it one takes areca nut; this is like a nutmeg but is broken up until it is reduced to small pellets, and one places these in his mouth and chews them. Then he takes the leaves of betel, puts a little chalk on them, and masticates them along with the betel.
Answer:
Paan likely attracted Ibn Battuta's attention because it was a widespread and apparently culturally significant practice in India that was completely unfamiliar to him and his audience. The description highlights several unusual aspects:
- The plant itself (grown like a grapevine but yielding only leaves for consumption).
- The elaborate preparation process involving multiple ingredients (areca nut, chalk, betel leaves).
- The act of chewing the mixture and its purpose (though the text doesn't explicitly state the effect, the redness and stimulating properties might have been observed).
Adding to this description from general knowledge, one might note that chewing paan often stains the mouth and lips red, is considered a mouth freshener or digestive aid, and has cultural significance in welcoming guests or during social occasions. It's a complex social custom tied to hospitality and personal habit.
Ibn Battuta used descriptions based on comparison with familiar objects (date-palms, human head, grapevine) and detailed explanations of processes (chewing paan) to describe the unfamiliar. He also highlighted striking or useful aspects (coconut fiber for ships) to convey their unusual nature and functionality.
Ibn Battuta And Indian Cities
Ibn Battuta was impressed by Indian cities, viewing them as offering numerous opportunities, especially for skilled and ambitious individuals. He found them to be densely populated and largely prosperous, despite occasional disruptions from conflicts.
He described cities with crowded streets and vibrant, well-stocked markets (bazaars). Delhi was noted as a vast city with a huge population, the largest in India, rivalled only by Daulatabad in size. Bazaars were not just commercial centers but also social and cultural hubs, often featuring mosques, temples, and public spaces for performances by entertainers (Source 9 describes the market for singers in Daulatabad).
Source 9. Music in the market
Read Ibn Battuta’s description of Daulatabad:
In Daulatabad there is a market place for male and female singers, which is known as Tarababad. It is one of the greatest and most beautiful bazaars. It has numerous shops and every shop has a door which leads into the house of the owner ... The shops are decorated with carpets and at the center of a shop there is a swing on which sits the female singer. She is decked with all kinds of finery and her female attendants swing her. In the middle of the market place there stands a large cupola, which is carpeted and decorated and in which the chief of the musicians takes his place every Thursday after the dawn prayers, accompanied by his servants and slaves. The female singers come in successive crowds, sing before him and dance until dusk after which he withdraws. In this bazaar there are mosques for offering prayers ... One of the Hindu rulers ... alighted at the cupola every time he passed by this market place, and the female singers would sing before him. Even some Muslim rulers did the same.
Answer:
Ibn Battuta likely highlighted these activities to showcase the vibrancy, wealth, and unique cultural life of Indian urban centers to his foreign audience. The presence of organised markets specifically for entertainers, the decoration of shops, the public performances, and the patronage by both Hindu and Muslim rulers were likely seen as remarkable and exotic features not commonly found or organised in the same way in the regions he came from. Highlighting music, dance, and public spectacle added to the "entertainment" and "marvellous things" aspect intended for the Rihla's readers/listeners.
Although Ibn Battuta didn't explicitly analyse the economic basis of urban prosperity, his account suggests cities thrived by appropriating surplus from highly productive agriculture (farmers cultivated two crops annually). He also noted India's strong integration into inter-Asian trade networks. Indian manufactured goods, including various textiles (cotton, muslin, silk, brocade, satin), were highly demanded in West Asia and Southeast Asia, benefiting artisans and merchants (Fig 5.10 shows textile patterns). Fine varieties of muslin were particularly valuable.
Ibn Battuta noted specific architectural features in Delhi, including the ramparts with houses for guards, store-houses, magazines, and gates. He described the rampart's construction (stone base, brick upper part), towers, windows, and the total number of gates (28), mentioning specific gates like the Budaun darwaza and features near others (grain market, orchard). He also described the cemetery with its domed or arched graves and cultivated flowers, highlighting the attention paid to burial sites.
A Unique System Of Communication
The state actively supported merchants through measures like providing inns and guesthouses along trade routes. Ibn Battuta was particularly impressed by the efficiency of the postal system, which facilitated rapid communication, credit transfer, and even the dispatch of goods over long distances. He noted that news could travel from Sind to Delhi in just five days via the postal system, compared to the fifty days it took for a person to travel the same distance.
He described the postal system as having two types: the horse-post (uluq), with stations every four miles, and the foot-post (dawa), with three stations per mile. The foot-post involved runners carrying a rod with bells, passing messages or light goods rapidly between stations. The foot-post was even faster than the horse-post and was used for transporting items like fruits from Khurasan (Source 10).
Source 10. On horse and on foot
This is how Ibn Battuta describes the postal system:
In India the postal system is of two kinds. The horse-post, called uluq, is run by royal horses stationed at a distance of every four miles. The foot-post has three stations per mile; it is called dawa, that is one-third of a mile ... Now, at every third of a mile there is a well-populated village, outside which are three pavilions in which sit men with girded loins ready to start. Each of them carries a rod, two cubits in length, with copper bells at the top. When the courier starts from the city he holds the letter in one hand and the rod with its bells on the other; and he runs as fast as he can. When the men in the pavilion hear the ringing of the bell they get ready. As soon as the courier reaches them, one of them takes the letter from his hand and runs at top speed shaking the rod all the while until he reaches the next dawa. And the same process continues till the letter reaches its destination. This foot-post is quicker than the horse-post; and often it is used to transport the fruits of Khurasan which are much desired in India.
Answer:
It is unlikely that the foot-post system could have operated throughout the entire subcontinent with the same efficiency. Reasons for this include:
- Infrastructure Dependence: The system relied heavily on "well-populated villages" at regular intervals (every third of a mile). Such a dense network of settlements was probably concentrated in agriculturally prosperous and highly administered regions, like parts of the Ganga valley or areas around major cities, not uniformly spread across diverse terrains like deserts, mountains, or dense forests.
- Security: While fast, runners carrying valuable messages or goods would be vulnerable to attack in remote or insecure areas.
- Terrain and Distance: Maintaining stations and runners every third of a mile across vast distances, including difficult terrains, would be logistically challenging and expensive.
- Maintenance and Organisation: Such a system required constant state effort for staffing, maintaining pavilions, and coordination, which might only be feasible in areas of strong central control.
Therefore, while highly effective in certain core regions, extending it throughout the entire subcontinent with consistent speed and reliability would have faced significant geographical, logistical, and security challenges.
Ibn Battuta handled the problem of describing unfamiliar things by using analogies to objects or concepts known to his audience (coconut like a date-palm/human head, paan cultivated like a grapevine) and by providing vivid, detailed descriptions of their appearance, use, or the processes involved. He also highlighted any aspects that were particularly strange, impressive, or functional to convey their novelty and significance.
Abdur Razzaq Samarqandi, another traveller (15th century), also noted the unfamiliar, describing people in Calicut as a "strange nation," but was also impressed by the craft and artistry seen in a temple in Mangalore (Source on strange nation).
Bernier And The Degenerate East
François Bernier's approach differed from Ibn Battuta's. While Ibn Battuta focused on the exciting and unfamiliar, Bernier was more analytical and critical, constantly comparing India with Europe (especially France), often highlighting negative aspects. His goal was to influence European opinion and policy, portraying Mughal India as a cautionary tale.
His 'Travels in the Mughal Empire' is characterised by detailed observations, critical analysis, and reflections on the nature of the Mughal state and society, placed within a universal framework. His comparison consistently emphasised Europe's superiority, using binary opposition to present India as a degraded or "degenerate" version of the West.
The Question Of Landownership
A central point of Bernier's critique was the perceived lack of private property in land in Mughal India. He was a strong advocate for private property, believing its absence was detrimental to both the state and its people. He asserted that the Mughal emperor owned all land and distributed it among his nobles, leading to disastrous consequences for the economy and society. This idea of "crown ownership" was a common perception among European travellers of the 16th and 17th centuries.
Bernier argued that because landholders (nobles) could not pass land to their descendants, they had no incentive for long-term investment in improving production or the land itself. He claimed this resulted in the ruin of agriculture, severe oppression of peasants, and a decline in living standards for everyone except the ruling elite (Source 11 describes the plight of the peasantry).
Source 11. The poor peasant
An excerpt from Bernier’s description of the peasantry in the countryside:
Of the vast tracts of country constituting the empire of Hindustan, many are little more than sand, or barren mountains, badly cultivated, and thinly populated. Even a considerable portion of the good land remains untilled for want of labourers; many of whom perish in consequence of the bad treatment they experience from Governors. The poor people, when they become incapable of discharging the demands of their rapacious lords, are not only often deprived of the means of subsistence, but are also made to lose their children, who are carried away as slaves. Thus, it happens that the peasantry, driven to despair by so excessive a tyranny, abandon the country.
Answer:
According to Bernier, the problems faced by peasants included:
- Bad treatment from Governors and "rapacious lords" (landholders/officials).
- High demands from these lords.
- Being deprived of the means of subsistence when unable to meet demands.
- Having their children taken away as slaves.
- Being driven to despair by excessive tyranny.
- Abandoning their land/country as a result.
- Lack of labourers (partially due to bad treatment leading to flight or death).
Yes, his description likely served to strengthen his case for the negative consequences of the Mughal system (which he linked to crown ownership of land). By portraying the peasantry in such dire conditions – facing poverty, oppression, enslavement of children, and forced migration – he aimed to shock his European audience and validate his argument that the Mughal system was inherently tyrannical and destructive, contrasting it unfavourably with his ideal of European society based on private property.
Bernier's depiction was influenced by contemporary European debates about governance and aimed to caution against adopting a system like the Mughal one (Source 12 presents his warning to European kings).
Source 12. A warning for Europe
Bernier warned that if European kings followed the Mughal model:
Their kingdoms would be very far from being wellcultivated and peopled, so well built, so rich, so polite and flourishing as we see them. Our kings are otherwise rich and powerful; and we must avow that they are much better and more royally served. They would soon be kings of deserts and solitudes, of beggars and barbarians, such as those are whom I have been representing (the Mughals) … We should find the great Cities and the great Burroughs (boroughs) rendered uninhabitable because of ill air, and to fall to ruine (ruin) without any bodies (anybody) taking care of repairing them; the hillocks abandon’d, and the fields overspread with bushes, or fill’d with pestilential marishes (marshes), as hath been already intimated.
Answer:
Bernier depicts a scenario of doom by presenting a vivid picture of decay and decline if European kings adopted the Mughal model he describes. He contrasts the flourishing, well-cultivated, rich, and polite kingdoms of Europe with a future state of "deserts and solitudes," ruled by kings of "beggars and barbarians." He paints a picture of formerly great cities becoming uninhabitable ruins due to neglect and "ill air," abandoned landscapes ("hillocks abandon'd") covered in wild growth ("bushes"), and agricultural fields turning into unhealthy swamps ("pestilential marishes"). This language of decay and desolation is intended to highlight the perceived destructive consequences of the Mughal system and serve as a stark warning against its adoption in Europe. It appeals to fears of societal collapse, economic ruin, and loss of civilisation.
Bernier saw the Mughal Empire as ruled by a "king of beggars and barbarians," with ruined cities and neglected, unproductive fields, all stemming from the supposed crown ownership of land. However, Mughal documents do not support the idea of the state being the sole landowner. Abu'l Fazl, Akbar's chronicler, described land revenue as a claim by the ruler for protection, not rent. European travellers might have misinterpreted high revenue demands as rent.
Bernier's views influenced later Western thinkers, including Montesquieu, who developed the concept of oriental despotism, portraying Asian rulers as absolute despots whose subjects lived in poverty due to the absence of private property. Karl Marx further adapted this into the concept of the Asiatic mode of production, characterising India as a stagnant society of internally egalitarian villages where the state appropriated surplus.
However, this picture of rural stagnation and uniformity is contradicted by evidence showing significant social and economic differentiation in rural society during the 16th and 17th centuries, with large zamindars at one end and landless labourers at the other, and varying levels of wealth among peasants (as seen in Chapter 8).
A More Complex Social Reality
Despite his overall negative portrayal, Bernier's descriptions occasionally reveal details that suggest a more nuanced social reality than his "degenerate East" thesis. While he claimed artisans lacked incentive due to state appropriation of profits, he also acknowledged the massive inflow of gold and silver into India as payment for exported manufactures (Fig 5.12 shows the quality of Mughal craftsmanship). This indicates a thriving manufacturing sector capable of producing goods highly valued internationally. He also noted the existence of a prosperous merchant class engaged in long-distance trade (Source 13 highlights the fertility of Bengal and the export of goods).
Source 13. A different socio-economic scenario
Read this excerpt from Bernier’s description of both agriculture and craft production:
It is important to observe, that of this vast tract of country, a large portion is extremely fertile; the large kingdom of Bengale (Bengal), for instance, surpassing Egypt itself, not only in the production of rice, corn, and other necessaries of life, but of innumerable articles of commerce which are not cultivated in Egypt; such as silks, cotton, and indigo.
There are also many parts of the Indies, where the population is sufficiently abundant, and the land pretty well tilled; and where the artisan, although naturally indolent, is yet compelled by necessity or otherwise to employ himself in manufacturing carpets, brocades, embroideries, gold and silver cloths, and the various sorts of silk and cotton goods, which are used in the country or exported abroad.
It should not escape notice that gold and silver, after circulating in every other quarter of the globe, come at length to be swallowed up, lost in some measure, in Hindustan.
Answer:
The description in this excerpt (Source 13) is different from the bleak portrayal in Source 11 in several ways:
- Agricultural Productivity: Source 11 depicts a landscape with "barren mountains," "badly cultivated" land, and "untilled" good land due to lack of labourers. Source 13, however, describes "large portions" as "extremely fertile," particularly Bengal which "surpass[es] Egypt itself" in agricultural production (rice, corn, etc.) and other produce (silks, cotton, indigo). It also mentions many parts where land is "pretty well tilled."
- Peasant/Labourer Condition: Source 11 focuses on the oppression, suffering, and abandonment of land by the peasantry. Source 13 mentions that in many well-tilled parts, the "population is sufficiently abundant," implying the presence of people engaged in cultivation, without detailing their severe oppression in this particular passage.
- Craft Production: Source 11 implies decline due to lack of incentive. Source 13 explicitly lists a variety of manufactured goods being produced ("carpets, brocades, embroideries, gold and silver cloths, ... silk and cotton goods") and notes that artisans are engaged in production either for local use or "exported abroad," indicating a vibrant, albeit perhaps externally driven, manufacturing sector.
- Economic Prosperity: Source 11 points to a continuous decline in living standards (except aristocracy). Source 13 highlights the inflow of gold and silver into "Hindustan," suggesting that exports of manufactures are bringing wealth into the country, a sign of economic vitality, not overall decline.
Essentially, while Source 11 focuses on the negative impacts on the peasantry and overall decline, Source 13 presents evidence of significant agricultural fertility, active manufacturing for both domestic and export markets, and the accumulation of wealth (precious metals), painting a picture of considerable economic activity and productivity in certain regions, which contrasts with the overall "degenerate" image presented elsewhere.
Mughal cities, despite Bernier's labelling them as transient "camp towns" dependent on the imperial presence (Source 14 describes imperial workshops), were more complex. Around 15% of the population lived in towns, a higher proportion than in Western Europe then. India had diverse types of towns: manufacturing, trading, port, and sacred centres, indicating a vibrant urban economy independent of solely imperial patronage.
Source 14. The imperial karkhanas
Bernier is perhaps the only historian who provides a detailed account of the working of the imperial karkhanas or workshops:
Large halls are seen at many places, called karkhanas or workshops for the artisans. In one hall, embroiderers are busily employed, superintended by a master. In another, you see the goldsmiths; in a third, painters; in a fourth, varnishers in lacquer-work; in a fifth, joiners, turners, tailors and shoe-makers; in a sixth, manufacturers of silk, brocade and fine muslins … The artisans come every morning to their karkhanas where they remain employed the whole day; and in the evening return to their homes. In this quiet regular manner, their time glides away; no one aspiring for any improvement in the condition of life wherein he happens to be born.
Answer:
Bernier conveys a sense of much activity but little progress primarily through his concluding sentence: "In this quiet regular manner, their time glides away; no one aspiring for any improvement in the condition of life wherein he happens to be born." He lists various busy workshops and artisans engaged in skilled crafts. However, by adding this observation about the artisans' lack of aspiration for improvement and their lives gliding away in a "quiet regular manner," he implies a lack of social mobility, innovation, and individual advancement. This suggests a stagnant system where skilled labour exists, but it doesn't translate into personal or societal progress beyond the routine production dictated by their birth status. This reflects Bernier's underlying belief that without the European concept of private property and the associated incentives for personal betterment and innovation, even skilled work leads to stagnation rather than dynamic progress.
Merchant communities had strong social and kinship networks, often organised into caste-based bodies (mahajans, led by a sheth; nagarsheth in Ahmedabad). Other urban professionals included physicians, teachers, lawyers, artists, and calligraphers, who served both patrons and the general public, indicating a diverse and complex urban social structure.
Women Slaves, Sati And Labourers
Travellers often noted the condition of women, though their observations were shaped by their own cultural perspectives and sometimes took social inequalities for granted.
Slavery was a visible aspect of Indian society, with slaves openly traded in markets and given as gifts (Source 15).
Source 15. Slave women
Ibn Battuta informs us:
It is the habit of the emperor ... to keep with every noble, great or small, one of his slaves who spies on the nobles. He also appoints female scavengers who enter the houses unannounced; and to them the slave girls communicate all the information they possess.
Most female slaves were captured in raids and expeditions.
Answer:
Ibn Battuta's account provides evidence for the existence of slavery and differentiation among slaves in the 14th-century subcontinent:
- Open Trade and Exchange: Slaves were bought and sold like commodities and regularly given as gifts, indicating their status as property (Ibn Battuta purchasing slaves as gifts for the Sultan, receiving slaves as gifts).
- Differentiation: Slaves were not a uniform group. There were female slaves skilled in music and dance who performed at court events. There were also female slaves specifically used for espionage ("spies on the nobles") and information gathering by the Sultan.
- Source of Slaves: Many female slaves were acquired through raids and military expeditions.
- Common Use: Slaves were widely used for domestic labour and for tasks like carrying people in palanquins.
- Economic Value: The price of female slaves for domestic work was relatively low, making them affordable for many families.
This evidence highlights that slavery was integrated into the economy and social structure, with slaves performing various roles from domestic service to skilled entertainment and even intelligence gathering, and were treated as transferable property.
Ibn Battuta noted that female slaves were employed in tasks ranging from skilled music and dance to espionage within noble households. Slaves were essential for domestic tasks and transportation, such as carrying people in palanquins. The low price of female domestic slaves meant many families could afford them.
European travellers often highlighted the practice of sati (widow immolation) as a stark difference from Western societies. Bernier described it in detail, noting both instances where women seemed willing and cases where they were forced, expressing his anguish over a child bride forced onto the pyre (Source 16).
Source 16. The child sati
This is perhaps one of the most poignant descriptions by Bernier:
At Lahore I saw a most beautiful young widow sacrificed, who could not, I think, have been more than twelve years of age. The poor little creature appeared more dead than alive when she approached the dreadful pit: the agony of her mind cannot be described; she trembled and wept bitterly; but three or four of the Brahmanas, assisted by an old woman who held her under the arm, forced the unwilling victim toward the fatal spot, seated her on the wood, tied her hands and feet, lest she should run away, and in that situation the innocent creature was burnt alive.
I found it difficult to repress my feelings and to prevent their bursting forth into clamorous and unavailing rage …
Answer:
The elements of the practice of sati that particularly drew Bernier's attention and evoke a strong reaction in his description were:
- The Victim's Age: He was horrified by the young age of the widow ("not have been more than twelve years of age"), highlighting the tragedy of a child being subjected to such a fate.
- The Victim's Distress: He vividly describes her agony, fear, trembling, and bitter weeping, showing that she was not a willing participant but terrified.
- The Coercion Involved: He notes that she was "forced" towards the pit by Brahmanas and an old woman and her hands and feet were "tied" to prevent her escape, directly contradicting any notion of voluntary sacrifice in this instance.
- The Brutality of the Death: The image of the "innocent creature" being "burnt alive" in such a state of distress is presented as inherently cruel and barbaric.
- His Own Emotional Reaction: Bernier includes his personal response ("difficult to repress my feelings," "clamorous and unavailing rage"), underscoring the practice's perceived inhumanity from his perspective.
These aspects highlight the practice as a forced, brutal act of violence, especially tragic when involving a child, serving to reinforce his view of the "degenerate" aspects of Indian society compared to Europe.
Despite the focus on practices like sati, women's lives encompassed much more. They were crucial to agricultural and non-agricultural labour. Women from merchant families participated in business and even legal matters, suggesting they were not strictly confined to domestic spaces.
While travellers' accounts offer valuable insights, they are shaped by the observers' cultural backgrounds and interests. They often miss or underreport the lives of ordinary people, such as women labourers, who did not fit the exotic or political narratives that interested them (Fig 5.13 depicts travellers and modes of transport). Furthermore, the experiences of Indian travellers visiting other lands remain largely unknown, representing an area for future historical research.
In Fig 5.13, the modes of transport shown include:
- Foot travel: People walking.
- Bullock carts: A cart pulled by oxen.
- Horseback: People riding horses.
- Camel: People riding a camel.