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Non-Rationalised History NCERT Notes, Solutions and Extra Q & A (Class 6th to 12th)
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Class 12th Chapters
1. Bricks, Beads And Bones - The Harappan Civilisation 2. Kings, Farmers And Towns - Early States And Economies (c.600 BCE-600 CE) 3. Kinship, Caste And Class - Early Societies (c. 600 BCE-600 CE)
4. Thinkers, Beliefs And Buildings - Cultural Developments (c. 600 BCE-600 CE) 5. Through The Eyes Of Travellers: - Perceptions Of Society (c. Tenth To Seventeenth Centuries) 6. Bhakti –Sufi Traditions: - Changes In Religious Beliefs And Devotional Texts (c. Eighth To Eighteenth Centuries)
7. An Imperial Capital: Vijayanagara - (c. Fourteenth To Sixteenth Centuries) 8. Peasants, Zamindars And The State: - Agrarian Society And The Mughal Empire (c. Sixteenth-Seventeenth Centuries) 9. Kings And Chronicles: - The Mughal Courts (c. Sixteenth-Seventeenth Centuries)
10. Colonialism And The Countryside: - Exploring Official Archives 11. Rebels And The Raj: - 1857 Revolt And Its Representations 12. Colonial Cities: - Urbanisation, Planning And Architecture
13. Mahatma Gandhi And The - Nationalist Movement: - Civil Disobedience And Beyond 14. Understanding Partition: - Politics, Memories, Experiences 15. Framing The Constitution: - The Beginning Of A New Era



Chapter 3. Kinship, Caste And Class Early Societies (C. 600 Bce-600 Ce)



Between c. 600 BCE and 600 CE, significant changes in economic and political life (as discussed in Chapter 2) also profoundly influenced societies. For instance, expanding agriculture into forested areas altered the lives of forest dwellers, craft specialization led to distinct social groups, and unequal wealth distribution sharpened social differences.

Historians use textual traditions to understand these social processes. Some texts prescribe social norms, while others describe (and sometimes comment on) social situations and practices. Inscriptions also offer glimpses of individuals within society.

When studying these sources, historians must consider the perspective from which each text was written (who composed it, for whom), the language used, and how the text spread. Careful analysis of texts allows for the reconstruction of attitudes and practices that shaped social histories.

The Mahabharata, a vast epic composed over about 1,000 years (c. 500 BCE onwards), is a particularly rich source for understanding early Indian societies. Its central story revolves around a conflict between two cousin groups, the Kauravas and the Pandavas. The epic also includes sections prescribing norms for various social groups.

Examining how characters adhere to or deviate from these norms provides insights into the social dynamics of the time.

A terracotta sculpture depicting a scene from the Mahabharata

The Critical Edition Of The Mahabharata

Recognizing the importance of the Mahabharata as a source, a monumental scholarly project led by V.S. Sukthankar began in 1919 to prepare a critical edition of the epic.

The task involved collecting Sanskrit manuscripts of the Mahabharata from across the subcontinent, written in various regional scripts.

A team of scholars systematically compared verses from different manuscripts. Their goal was to identify the verses that were common to most versions, representing a core text.

The project took 47 years to complete and resulted in the publication of the epic in several volumes, totaling over 13,000 pages.

The critical edition revealed two key findings:

A section of a page from the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata showing the main text and footnotes listing variations

These regional variations were meticulously documented in footnotes and appendices, comprising over half the pages of the critical edition. These variations highlight the dynamic process of shaping early social histories through interactions, conflicts, and consensus between dominant traditions and local ideas and practices.

Historians initially studied Sanskrit texts (often composed by Brahmanas) at face value, assuming their prescriptions were universally practiced. Later studies of texts in Pali, Prakrit, and Tamil revealed that while Brahmanical norms were influential, they were also questioned and sometimes rejected in practice.

Kinship And Marriage Many Rules And Varied Practices

Family and kinship are fundamental aspects of society. Families vary in size and structure, often sharing resources, living, working, and performing rituals together. Families are part of larger networks of relatives or kinfolk, defined by kinship ties (sometimes based on blood, but defined differently in different societies).

For historians studying early societies, information about elite families (like ruling lineages) is relatively accessible from available sources, but reconstructing the familial relationships of ordinary people is much more difficult.

Historians also analyze attitudes towards family and kinship, as these ideas likely shaped people's actions and vice versa.


Sanskrit texts use specific terms for family and kin: kula for families, jnati for larger kin networks, and vamsha for lineage.

Finding Out About Families

The Mahabharata's central story is about a conflict within a single ruling family (the Kurus) between two cousin groups (Kauravas and Pandavas) over control of land and power. This story can be seen as illustrating a point where kinship relations became central to a major conflict.

The Ideal Of Patriliny

The conflict in the Mahabharata culminates in a battle won by the Pandavas, after which patrilineal succession is emphasized and proclaimed. Patriliny means tracing descent from father to son, grandson, and so on. This concept was reinforced by the epic's central narrative, highlighting its importance in determining who would inherit resources and power.

Source 2: Excerpt from the Adi Parvan of the Mahabharata on why kinfolk quarrelled.

Kauravas (Dhritarashtra's sons) and Pandavas (their cousins) from Kuru family feuded over Hastinapura throne. Dhritarashtra (blind) didn't receive throne; younger brother Pandu ruled. After Pandu's early death, young princes meant Dhritarashtra became king. Citizens preferred capable/virtuous Pandavas. Jealous Duryodhana told blind father: you didn't get throne due to defect. If Pandava inherits, his son and grandson will. We and sons will be excluded from royal succession, lose world's regard. Passages may not be literal, but show writers' ideas; sometimes conflicting.

Answer:

Based on the passage, several criteria are suggested for becoming king: birth in the ruling family (lineage/vamsha), being the eldest prince (implied by Duryodhana's concern), capability, and virtuousness. Among these, birth in a particular family (the Kuru lineage, being sons/cousins of the king) was paramount, as it determined eligibility for succession. Capability and virtuousness were criteria that led citizens to *prefer* the Pandavas but didn't automatically grant them the throne according to patrilineal rules, which prioritized lineage and potentially primogeniture (succession by the eldest). The passage suggests birth in the correct family was highly important. The criteria of capability and virtuousness seem justified as qualities desirable in a ruler. Duryodhana's argument highlights the perceived injustice of birthright potentially bypassing him and his lineage due to his father's blindness, even though the throne would logically pass to his father first under strict patriliny. The idea of excluding a capable line (Pandavas) solely based on rigid succession rules, especially when the direct line (Duryodhana's) came to the throne under exceptional circumstances (Dhritarashtra's blindness), might strike some as unjust.

Under patriliny, sons had the right to inherit their father's resources, including the throne in ruling families, after the father's death. Most ruling dynasties from c. sixth century BCE onwards claimed to follow this system.

However, variations existed in practice: sometimes brothers succeeded each other, other kinsmen might claim the throne, and in rare cases, women (like Prabhavati Gupta) exercised power.

The importance of patriliny was not limited to rulers; it is also evident in ritual texts like the Rigveda, suggesting these attitudes might have been shared by wealthy and high-status groups, including Brahmanas.

Source 1: Excerpt of a mantra from the Rigveda for marriage ritual (c. 1000 BCE).

Priest chants: "I free her from here, but not from there. I have bound her firmly there, so that through the grace of Indra she will have fine sons and be fortunate in her husband’s love." "Here" is father's house, "there" is husband's house. Indra is god of valour, warfare, rain.

Answer:

In the context of this mantra, marriage has different implications for the bride and groom. For the bride, it signifies a profound shift in affiliation – being "freed" from her father's lineage ("here") and "bound firmly" to her husband's household ("there"). Her primary expected role and value in her new home ("there") are linked to her ability to bear "fine sons" and her relationship with her husband ("fortunate in her husband's love"). The prayer for sons highlights the importance of patriliny for the husband's lineage. For the groom (and his family), the marriage signifies the acquisition of a wife who is expected to contribute to the continuity and prosperity of their lineage by bearing sons, thus securing the patrilineal line. The implications are not identical; the mantra emphasizes the bride's transition of loyalty and her role in procreation for the husband's family, while the groom's side is presented as receiving the means to ensure their lineage's future.

Rules Of Marriage

Within the patrilineal framework, daughters were viewed differently from sons; they had no automatic claim to the resources of their birth household. Marrying daughters outside the kin group (exogamy) was considered desirable.

Exogamy meant that the lives of young women from high-status families were often carefully controlled to ensure marriages at the appropriate time and with suitable partners outside their own kin.

The concept of kanyadana (gift of a daughter in marriage) emerged as an important religious duty for fathers within this system.


With the growth of new towns (c. 6th century BCE onwards), increased interaction between people from different backgrounds in urban areas may have led to questioning traditional beliefs and practices. In response, Brahmanas detailed social codes in texts like the Dharmasutras and Dharmashastras (from c. 500 BCE). The most important, the Manusmriti, was compiled between c. 200 BCE and 200 CE.

Brahmana authors claimed these norms had universal validity, but social reality was likely more complex, and their influence varied regionally. These texts recognized eight forms of marriage, classifying the first four as "good" and condemning the others. The condemned forms might have been practiced by groups not adhering to Brahmanical norms.

Source 3: Excerpt from the Manusmriti listing four forms of marriage (First, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth).

First: Gift of daughter (well-dressed, jewelled, honored with presents) to Veda-learned man invited by father. Fourth: Father addresses couple ("perform duties together"), honors groom, then gives daughter. Fifth: Groom gives wealth to kin/bride as he can afford, then receives maiden. Sixth: Maiden and lover voluntarily unite from desire.

Answer:

Analyzing who makes the decision based on the descriptions:

  • First Form: Decision primarily by (c) the father of the bride (he dresses, honours, invites the groom). The groom's learnedness is a criterion, but the father initiates and executes the gift.
  • Fourth Form: Decision primarily by (c) the father of the bride (he addresses the couple and gives the daughter). The focus is on the father's action.
  • Fifth Form: Decision involves (b) the bridegroom (he gives wealth and receives the maiden) and likely the bride's kin (they receive wealth), perhaps implying negotiation or agreement, though the text says groom receives the maiden *after* giving wealth. The bride's decision is less explicit here than in the sixth form.
  • Sixth Form: Decision is entirely by (a) the bride and (b) the bridegroom ("Voluntary union ... which springs from desire"). This is based on mutual consent of the individuals involved.

Marriage Types:

The Gotra Of Women

One important Brahmanical practice from c. 1000 BCE onwards was the classification of people into gotras. Each gotra was named after a Vedic seer (sage), and all members of a gotra were considered descendants of that seer.

Key rules associated with the gotra system:

Historians investigate if these rules were commonly followed by studying names, which sometimes derived from gotra names. Inscriptions of the Satavahana rulers (c. 2nd century BCE - 2nd century CE) provide insights into their practices.

Source 4: Names of Satavahana kings from inscriptions and metronymics in the Upanishads.

Satavahana king names often use metronymics (names from mother), ending in 'puta' (son), e.g., Gotami-puta (son of Gotami), Vasithi-puta (son of Vasithi). Gotami and Vasithi are feminine forms of gotra names Gotama and Vasistha. Brihadaranyaka Upanishad lists teachers/students often named by metronymics.

Answer:

Looking at the sample list of Satavahana king names (raja ...puta): there are three instances of "Gotami-puta" and two instances of "Vasithi/Vasathi-puta" (excluding the specific names like Siri-Satakani). The list shows rulers identified by their mother's gotra name, followed by "puta".

An examination of the names of women who married Satavahana rulers reveals that many retained their father's gotra name (e.g., names derived from Gotama and Vasistha) after marriage, contrary to the Brahmanical rule of adopting the husband's gotra.

Furthermore, some of these women married men belonging to the same gotra, which directly violated the Brahmanical rule of gotra exogamy. This practice exemplified endogamy (marriage within the kin group), which was (and still is) prevalent in some communities, particularly in south India. Marriages between kin (like cousins) helped maintain close-knit communities.

Were Mothers Important?

The use of metronymics by Satavahana rulers (identifying themselves by their mother's name, e.g., Gotami-puta, son of Gotami) might suggest the importance of mothers. However, historians caution against drawing this conclusion too quickly.

In the case of the Satavahanas, succession to the throne was generally patrilineal, meaning the son inherited from the father, regardless of the mother's name used in identification. While mothers' names were used, it does not necessarily indicate that mothers held political power or that lineage was traced through the mother's side for succession.

Source 5: Excerpt from the Mahabharata on Gandhari’s advice to Duryodhana.

Before war, Gandhari appeals to eldest son Duryodhana: "By making peace you honour your father and me... wise man controls senses... greed/anger drag from profits... defeating these conquers earth... enjoy earth happily with Pandavas... no good in war... no law (dharma), profit (artha), happiness, or guaranteed victory... don't set mind on war." Duryodhana ignores and loses war.

Answer:

This passage shows Gandhari, a mother, giving earnest advice to her adult son about the path of dharma, profit, and happiness, urging him to avoid destructive conflict. While her advice is ultimately rejected in the narrative, the depiction of a mother giving such significant counsel, framed as honoring his parents and guarding his kingdom, does suggest that mothers were viewed as figures of wisdom, moral authority, and influence within the family structure in early Indian societies. Their counsel, even if not always heeded by powerful sons, was presented as valuable and rooted in principles of righteousness and well-being.

Social Differences: Within And Beyond The Framework Of Caste

The concept of caste refers to a hierarchical system of social categories. In Brahmanical texts like the Dharmasutras and Dharmashastras, an ideal fourfold order of society (varnas) was prescribed:

This varna order was claimed to be divinely ordained, and one's position was supposedly determined by birth.

The “Right” Occupation

Brahmanical texts prescribed specific ideal occupations for each varna:

Brahmanas used strategies to enforce these norms: claiming divine origin for the varna system, advising kings to enforce norms, and attempting to persuade people that status was birth-based. Stories in epics like the Mahabharata were used to reinforce these prescriptions.

Source 6: Excerpt from the Rigveda (Purusha sukta) on a divine order.

Verse describes sacrifice of Purusha, primeval man. Four social categories emanated from his body: Brahmana from mouth, Kshatriya from arms, Vaishya from thighs, Shudra from feet.

Answer:

Brahmanas frequently quoted this verse to justify their claims of being the highest-ranked varna and the divinely ordained social order. The different body parts of the primeval man from which the varnas emanated symbolized their perceived functions and hierarchical position: the mouth (associated with speech, knowledge, rituals) for Brahmanas; arms (strength, protection) for Kshatriyas; thighs (supporting the body, associated with production/movement) for Vaishyas; and feet (serving the rest of the body, lowest position) for Shudras. By linking the social order to the creation myth from the sacred Rigveda, they asserted its divine origin and naturalness, legitimizing their own high status and the prescribed hierarchy.

Source 7: Story from the Mahabharata (Adi Parvan) about Drona and Ekalavya.

Brahmana archery teacher Drona refuses to teach Nishada hunter Ekalavya (knowing dharma). Ekalavya practices alone using Drona's clay image, gains skill. Kuru princes' dog barks at Ekalavya (dirt, deer skin), Ekalavya shoots 7 arrows into mouth. Princes amazed. Track him; Ekalavya says pupil of Drona. Arjuna (Drona's fav student) reminds Drona he said Arjuna unrivaled. Drona asks Ekalavya's right thumb as fee. Ekalavya cuts it off. Shoots with remaining fingers, no longer as fast. Drona keeps word: no one better than Arjuna.

Answer:

The story was meant to convey several messages. To the nishadas, it might convey the idea that despite their talent, their low social status prevented them from accessing high knowledge (archery taught by Drona) and that attempts to excel outside their prescribed social roles would ultimately be curtailed (Ekalavya losing his thumb). It reinforces the idea that social position, not just individual merit, determined access to opportunities. To Kshatriyas, it reinforces the superiority of Arjuna (a Kshatriya prince) due to divine or predetermined outcome and the Brahmanical guidance provided by Drona. It also justifies the Brahmanical authority (Drona's decision and fee demand) in maintaining the social order. Drona, as a Brahmana teacher, was acting according to the Brahmanical dharma as laid down in texts (like Dharmasutras/shastras) which prescribed the varna order and limits on who should receive certain knowledge (e.g., martial arts). He prioritized upholding the varna-based social structure over recognizing and fostering Ekalavya's exceptional individual talent, thus arguably acting according to the *prescriptions* of his varna, even if this action might be seen as unjust from a perspective of individual merit.

Non-Kshatriya Kings

Contrary to the Shastras' prescription that only Kshatriyas could be kings, historical evidence shows that several important ruling lineages had non-Kshatriya origins. The social background of the Mauryas is debated; some texts call them of "low" origin. The Shungas and Kanvas, who succeeded the Mauryas, were Brahmanas. The Shakas from Central Asia were considered "mlechchhas" (outsiders) by Brahmanas, yet some became powerful rulers familiar with Sanskritic traditions (like Rudradaman).

Political power was often attained by those who could mobilize support and resources, regardless of their varna origin.

Silver coin depicting a Shaka ruler

Even the Satavahana ruler Gotami-puta Siri-Satakani, who claimed to be a unique Brahmana and a destroyer of Kshatriya pride, and claimed to prevent varna intermarriage, also entered into a marriage alliance with the kin of the Shaka ruler Rudradaman. This shows that the rigid varna framework was often not strictly followed in reality, especially by those in power. The Satavahanas claimed a high varna but practised endogamy and formed alliances with those outside the prescribed system, demonstrating the complexity of caste integration.

Jatis And Social Mobility

Texts also use the term jati to refer to social categories. Unlike the fixed four varnas, the number of jatis was not fixed. Brahmanical authorities classified new groups (like forest dwellers - nishadas) or occupational categories (like goldsmiths - suvarnakara) that didn't fit the varna system as jatis. Jatis were often based on occupation.

Jatis with common occupations sometimes organized into shrenis or guilds. While detailed histories of these groups are rare, an inscription (c. 5th century CE) from Mandasor (Madhya Pradesh) records the history of a guild of silk weavers who migrated from Gujarat. It shows guild members shared a craft but also engaged in other occupations and collectively invested wealth in a temple.

Source 8: Excerpt from Mandasor inscription on silk weavers (Sanskrit).

Inscription describes silk weavers' guild from Lata (Gujarat) migrating to Mandasor. Some attached to music, others write biographies, some religious discourse, excel in rites, some master astronomy, some valorous in battle causing harm to enemies.

Answer:

According to Brahmanical Shastras, specific occupations were laid down for each varna. The occupations described here (weaving, music, writing biographies, religious discourse/rites, astronomy, warfare) are diverse. While weaving is generally associated with Vaishyas or Shudras depending on the text and time, and warfare with Kshatriyas, engaging in music, scholarship (biographies, religious discourse, astronomy), and warfare (causing harm to enemies) within a guild of weavers suggests that members were not strictly confined to the occupation of weaving. This indicates that the silk weavers were *not strictly* following the specific occupation laid down for them *solely* based on their craft specialization or potential varna assignment. The excerpt suggests social mobility and the ability to pursue various occupations and interests within a jati or guild, going beyond rigid varna-based occupational prescriptions.

Beyond The Four Varnas: Integration

The Indian subcontinent has always had diverse populations whose social practices were not fully aligned with Brahmanical ideas. Sanskrit texts sometimes described these groups (like forest dwellers or nomadic pastoralists) as odd or outside the main social system (e.g., labeling non-Sanskrit speakers as mlechchhas).

Despite these classifications, there was interaction and sharing of ideas between these groups and the Brahmanical tradition, sometimes reflected in stories in texts like the Mahabharata.

Source 9: Story from the Mahabharata (Adi Parvan) about Bhima and Hidimba (a rakshasi).

Pandava Bhima encounters man-eating rakshasa and his sister Hidimba. Hidimba falls for Bhima, transforms into maiden, proposes. Bhima refuses. Rakshasa arrives, Bhima kills him. Hidimba declares love for Bhima, says she left friends/dharma/kin for "tiger-like son" (Bhima). Begs Kunti (mother of Pandavas) to join with son as husband. Yudhisthira agrees to marriage: day together, night return. Son Ghatotkacha (rakshasa boy) born. Mother/son leave; Ghatotkacha promises help when needed. Some historians see "rakshasa" as term for people with non-Brahmanical practices.

Answer:

Elements in the story suggesting non-Brahmanical practices include: the description of the rakshasa as "man-eating" (though this could be narrative exaggeration), Hidimba's identity as a rakshasi (often associated with non-human or demonic beings in Brahmanical texts), the transformation into a maiden (suggesting magical or non-standard abilities), falling in love and proposing marriage based on personal desire and attraction ("chose your tiger-like son for my man") rather than varna or lineage considerations, abandoning her own "dharma" and kin for the sake of the relationship, and the conditional nature of the marriage agreed upon by Yudhisthira (spending the day together but returning at night), which is not one of the standard eight forms of marriage described in texts like the Manusmriti. The very idea of marriage between a Pandava prince (Kshatriya, adhering to Brahmanical norms) and a rakshasi, a being outside the human/varna system, represents a significant departure from Brahmanical prescriptions.

Beyond The Four Varnas Subordination And Conflict

Beyond classifying groups as outside the varna system, Brahmanas also created sharper social divides by designating certain categories as “untouchable”. This concept was based on notions of purity and pollution. Activities considered polluting (handling corpses, dead animals) led to those performing them (like chandalas) being placed at the very bottom of the social hierarchy.

Their touch, or even sight, was regarded as polluting by those claiming high status. The Manusmriti prescribed degrading duties and living conditions for chandalas: living outside the village, using discarded utensils, wearing clothes of the dead, using iron ornaments, not being allowed in villages/cities at night, disposing of unclaimed bodies, and serving as executioners.

Historical accounts from visitors like Chinese monk Fa Xian (c. 5th century CE) and Xuan Zang (c. 7th century CE) confirm that “untouchables” (like chandalas, executioners, scavengers) were segregated, living outside cities and using means (like clappers) to warn others of their presence.

Historians examine non-Brahmanical texts to see if chandalas accepted this prescribed degradation. While some depictions align with Brahmanical texts, others hint at different social realities or possible resistance.

Stone sculpture depicting a mendicant seeking alms

Source 10: Story from the Matanga Jataka (Pali text) about the Bodhisatta as a chandala (Matanga).

Matanga, a chandala's son, meets merchant's daughter Dittha Mangalika in Banaras. She sees him as inauspicious, washes eyes. Her followers beat him. He protests by lying at her father's door for 7 days. She is given to him, carries starving Matanga to chandala settlement. He renounces world, gets spiritual powers, returns to Banaras, marries her. Son Mandavya Kumara learns Vedas, feeds 16,000 Brahmanas daily. Matanga (in rags, clay bowl) begs food from son. Mandavya calls him outcaste, unworthy; food for Brahmanas. Matanga says proud/ignorant don't deserve gifts; those free from vices are worthy. Mandavya orders him thrown out. Matanga flies away. Mother Dittha Mangalika begs forgiveness, takes leftover from his bowl to Mandavya/Brahmanas.

Answer:

Elements suggesting the story was written from Matanga's perspective include: the depiction of Matanga as the hero (the Bodhisatta in a previous birth), the injustice he faces due to his birth (being called inauspicious, beaten, deemed unworthy of alms by his own son), his ability to gain spiritual powers *despite* being a chandala (challenging the idea that purity/high status is solely birth-based), his direct critique of those proud of birth but ignorant, and his eventual vindication (rising in the air, his power/worthiness recognized by his wife). The story focuses on the perspective of someone from a marginalized group who transcends his social position through spiritual merit and wisdom, contrasting this with the behavior of those in higher varnas who are shown to be lacking in true righteousness despite their birth.

Beyond Birth Resources And Status

Beyond birth, a person's access to economic resources significantly shaped their social position in early societies. Individuals like slaves, landless labourers, hunters, peasants, craftspersons, merchants, and kings occupied different social strata based on their control over resources like land, labor, and wealth.

Gendered Access To Property

Access to economic resources was also often differentiated by gender.

The Mahabharata story where Yudhisthira stakes and loses property, including his wife Draupadi, highlights issues of ownership and the treatment of women as property.

Source 11: Story from the Mahabharata on Draupadi’s question.

Yudhisthira, having lost gold, elephants, etc., and himself in dice game, stakes common wife Draupadi and loses. Draupadi asks if he lost himself *before* staking her. Two opinions given: 1) Wife is always under husband's control, so he could stake her even if he lost himself. 2) Unfree man (Yudhisthira after losing himself) cannot stake another person. Issue unresolved; Dhritarashtra restores freedom to Pandavas/Draupadi.

Answer:

This episode strongly suggests that wives could be treated as property of their husbands within this societal context. The very act of Yudhisthira staking Draupadi in a game of dice, alongside his other possessions and even himself, implies that she was considered an object of ownership or control. The debate that follows centers on whether his ownership right persisted even after he lost his own freedom (becoming unfree). While one opinion challenges this right based on his temporary lack of freedom, the very fact that the legitimacy of staking a wife is debated within the framework of property ownership highlights the deeply ingrained societal view of wives as possessions or resources controlled by men.

According to the Manusmriti, the paternal estate was generally divided among sons after parents' death, with a larger share for the eldest. Women were typically excluded from inheriting a share of the paternal estate.

However, women were allowed to keep gifts received at marriage (stridhana, woman's wealth), which could be inherited by their children, independent of the husband's claims. Yet, the Manusmriti also cautioned women against independently managing family property or their own wealth without the husband's permission.

Evidence suggests that while upper-class women (like queens such as Prabhavati Gupta) might have had access to resources, control over land, cattle, and money was generally held by men. This difference in access to resources significantly contributed to the sharpening of social differences between men and women.

Source 12: Manusmriti on means of acquiring wealth for men and women.

Men: Inheritance, finding, purchase, conquest, investment, work, accepting gifts from good people. Women: Gifts received at marriage (in front of fire, bridal procession, token of affection), from brother, mother, father. Also any subsequent gift or gift from affectionate husband.

Answer:

Comparing the lists: For men, the means are diverse and include large-scale, active methods like purchase, conquest, investment, and work, allowing acquisition of significant property and wealth through various avenues. Inheritance is also a major source. For women, the means are primarily passive – receiving gifts. These gifts are specific to the context of marriage and familial relationships (father, mother, brother, husband). While "any subsequent gift" and gifts from the husband are mentioned, the emphasis is on receiving wealth rather than actively acquiring it through independent economic activities like work, investment, or trade (except perhaps implied in receiving goods as gifts that could have economic value). The means listed for men suggest active participation in the economy and control over major forms of wealth acquisition, while the means for women emphasize wealth derived from social relations and transfer from male family members. Thus, the ways differ significantly, with men having prescribed avenues for actively building wealth and controlling resources, while women's access to wealth is largely defined by gifts received within familial structures.

Varna And Access To Property

According to Brahmanical texts, varna was another criterion regulating access to wealth. Since Shudras were ideally assigned only servitude, while the first three varnas had access to various occupations including agriculture, trade, and administration, the Shastras implicitly suggested that Brahmanas and Kshatriyas (and Vaishyas through trade/agriculture) would be the wealthiest.

This aligns somewhat with descriptions in other texts depicting kings (Kshatriyas) as invariably wealthy and priests (Brahmanas) generally rich, although acknowledging poor Brahmanas existed.

Early Buddhism (from c. 6th century BCE) critiqued the varna system. Buddhists recognized social differences but rejected the idea that status was natural, inherent, or determined by birth alone. They challenged the claim of status based solely on birth.

Source 13: Story based on Buddhist text (Majjhima Nikaya) about a wealthy Shudra and dialogue between King Avantiputta and Kachchana (Buddha's disciple).

Avantiputta asks Kachchana about Brahmanas calling themselves best/purest caste from Brahma's mouth, others low/dark. Kachchana asks if wealthy Shudra would get polite treatment from other Shudra, Kshatriya, Brahmana, Vaishya. Avantiputta says wealthy Shudra can have any of them as obedient servant speaking politely. Kachchana asks: are not these four varnas the same then? Avantiputta concedes no difference on this count.

Answer:

Avantiputta's first statement reflects ideas derived from Brahmanical texts, particularly the Purusha sukta and Dharmashastras. Ideas include: Brahmanas being the highest/best caste, others being low; Brahmanas being "fair" (implying purity/superiority) vs. others "dark"; only Brahmanas being pure; and Brahmanas originating from Brahma's mouth (linking their status to creation myth and divine origin). Kachchana's counter-argument, accepted by the king, highlights that access to wealth and resources (economic power) can override varna distinctions in social interactions and relationships (commanding obedience, receiving polite speech). According to this Buddhist text, what ultimately explains social difference in practical terms is *wealth* and economic status, rather than birth or varna alone. The story critiques the Brahmanical claim that varna inherently determines status and social interaction, suggesting that economic power is a more significant factor in reality.

An Alternative Social Scenario: Sharing Wealth

While many situations involved status claims based on wealth accumulation, alternative social values also existed, particularly in ancient Tamilakam. Texts suggest that in this region, generosity was valued, and those who controlled resources were expected to share them, while miserliness was despised.

Poems in Tamil Sangam literature (c. 1st century CE onwards) describe chiefs who were patrons of bards and poets. These poems illustrate social and economic relationships and expectations regarding the distribution of wealth by those in power.

Source 14: Composition from Puranaruru (Tamil Sangam literature) about a poor generous chief.

Bard describes patron: lacks vast wealth, but not petty enough to refuse. Lives in Irantai, is generous, enemy to bards' hunger. Encourages hungry bards to seek him. Says patron will go to blacksmith and ask for a long spear for war, one with a straight blade.

Answer:

The bard uses several strategies to persuade the chief to be generous and to encourage other hungry bards to seek him out. He highlights the chief's existing qualities ("generous," "enemy to the hunger of bards") despite not having immense wealth ("doesn't have the wealth to lavish... everyday"), portraying him as a patron of limited means but great spirit. By saying "If we request him... showing him our ribs thin with hunger," he appeals to the chief's compassion and sense of duty towards those who praise him through their art. The most compelling strategy is suggesting that the chief will resort to warfare to acquire wealth specifically *for the purpose of giving to the bards* ("Shape me a long spear for war, one that has a straight blade!"). This implies that the chief values the bards and his reputation for generosity so highly that he is willing to actively engage in raiding or conquest to obtain the resources needed to reward them. The chief is expected to acquire wealth primarily through warfare ("Shape me a long spear for war"), which was a recognized method of acquiring resources and power for chiefs in this period, in order to fulfill the expectation of sharing wealth with his followers and bards.

Stone sculpture from Amaravati showing a chief and his follower

The sculpture shows the difference between the chief and his follower primarily through their size, positioning, attire, and possibly posture. The chief is depicted larger in size, in a central or prominent position, possibly seated or elevated, with more elaborate clothing, jewellery, or headdress, conveying higher status and authority. The follower is smaller, positioned behind or beside the chief, possibly standing or in a more subordinate posture, with simpler attire, indicating their lower status and subservient role.

Explaining Social Differences: A Social Contract

Buddhism offered an alternative perspective on social inequalities and the origins of social institutions, including kingship, through a social contract myth found in the Sutta Pitaka.

The myth suggests that originally, humans lived in an idyllic state without social divisions, taking only what they needed from nature. However, increasing greed, vindictiveness, and deceit led to conflict and deterioration of this state.

To regulate this conflict, humans collectively decided to select a leader, called the mahasammata (the great elect). This leader would be responsible for maintaining order, punishing wrongdoing, and banishing offenders. In return for these services, the people agreed to give him a portion of their rice (a form of payment or tax).

This Buddhist myth implies that kingship was not divinely ordained but based on a human choice and agreement, where the ruler was paid by the people for providing services (protection, justice). It emphasizes human agency in creating and institutionalizing social and economic relations.

The implication is that if humans created the system, they also have the potential to change it.

Handling Texts Historians And The Mahabharata

Historians analyzing texts like the Mahabharata consider various aspects to understand their historical significance:

These assessments are crucial for interpreting the content and historical context of a complex text like the Mahabharata.

Language And Content

The version of the Mahabharata primarily studied is in Sanskrit. However, the Sanskrit is simpler than Vedic Sanskrit or the Sanskrit in prashastis, suggesting it was probably understood by a wider audience.

Historians broadly classify the text's content as narrative (stories) and didactic (social norms). While there is overlap, historians generally agree the narrative was the core, with didactic portions likely added later. The most important didactic section is the Bhagavad Gita, embedded in the epic, containing Lord Krishna's advice to Arjuna.

Painting depicting Lord Krishna advising Arjuna on the battlefield

Early Sanskrit tradition refers to the Mahabharata as an itihasa, meaning "thus it was," often translated as "history." Whether the epic is based on an actual war among kinfolk is debated. Some historians believe it preserves memory of a real conflict; others find no independent evidence of such a battle.

Author(S) And Dates

Authorship is complex. The original story might have been composed orally by sutas (charioteer-bards) accompanying warriors, celebrating victories. From the 5th century BCE, Brahmanas likely took over, committing it to writing. This coincides with chiefdoms (Kurus, Panchalas) becoming kingdoms. The text might reflect the upheavals and changing social norms of this period.

Another phase (c. 200 BCE - 200 CE) saw additions, possibly related to the rising importance of Vishnu worship and Krishna's identification with Vishnu. Later (c. 200 - 400 CE), large didactic sections, similar to the Manusmriti, were added. The text grew from under 10,000 verses to about 100,000, traditionally attributed to sage Vyasa.

Illustration depicting Lord Ganesha writing while dictated by Vyasa

The Search For Convergence

Historians compare the epic's descriptions with archaeological evidence. B.B. Lal excavated Hastinapura (Meerut, UP), located in the Kuru kingdom area. He found five occupational levels. Phase 2 (c. 12th-7th centuries BCE) had mud/mud-brick houses with reed walls. Phase 3 (c. 6th-3rd centuries BCE) had mud-brick/burnt-brick houses, soakage jars, brick drains, and ring-wells (wells/drainage pits).

A wall excavated at Hastinapura

This raises questions: Were urban descriptions added later, reflecting the flourishing of cities from the 6th century BCE? Or were they poetic exaggeration?

Source 15: Description of Hastinapura from the Adi Parvan of the Mahabharata.

Describes the city "bursting like the ocean," packed with hundreds of mansions, gateways, arches, turrets like massing clouds, displaying splendor of Great Indra's city.

Answer:

Based on B.B. Lal's findings, Phase 2 (c. 12th-7th centuries BCE) had relatively simple mud/mud-brick houses, not the elaborate architecture and scale described in the epic's Adi Parvan ("hundreds of mansions," "gateways, arches, turrets," "splendour"). While Phase 3 (c. 6th-3rd centuries BCE) shows some improvement (burnt bricks, drains, ring-wells), it still doesn't match the grand depiction of Hastinapura in the epic, which sounds more like a flourishing city of a later period. Therefore, Lal's findings from Phase 2 and 3 do *not* match the description of Hastinapura in the epic, which appears to describe a city on a much larger and more magnificent scale than the archaeological evidence from the likely period of the epic's core events. This discrepancy suggests that the grand urban description might have been added during later phases of the epic's composition, when urban centers were more developed in the region, or it could be a hyperbolic poetic description not intended as a literal representation.

Another challenge is Draupadi's marriage to the five Pandavas (polyandry), central to the narrative. The text's author(s) offer multiple explanations (Source 16), suggesting polyandry was unusual from the Brahmanical viewpoint and needed justification as the text evolved.

Source 16: Story on Draupadi’s marriage (polyandry) with the Pandavas, with multiple explanations.

Drupada's competition winner marries Draupadi. Arjuna wins. Kunti (mother) tells sons to share what they got (before seeing Draupadi). Realizes mistake, but command cannot be violated. Yudhisthira decides common wife. Drupada protests. Seer Vyasa justifies: Pandavas incarnations of Indra whose wife reborn as Draupadi; destiny. Also: woman prayed 5 times to Shiva for husband, reborn as Draupadi, Shiva fulfilled prayer. Drupada convinced.

Answer:

The author(s) offered three distinct explanations for a single event (Draupadi's polyandrous marriage) likely because the practice of polyandry was unusual, controversial, or perhaps gradually becoming less accepted within the dominant Brahmanical social framework as the epic was being compiled and re-worked over centuries. By providing multiple justifications (mother's command, divine destiny/reincarnation, fulfillment of prayer), the author(s) attempt to legitimize this non-normative practice within the epic's narrative, making it acceptable or understandable to an audience potentially adhering to or being influenced by exogamous, monogamous norms laid down in contemporary Dharmashastras. It suggests the difficulty in incorporating this practice into the narrative without violating prevailing social expectations and dharma.

Polyandry existed (e.g., in Himalayan regions) and might have occurred in crisis situations (e.g., shortage of women due to warfare). However, its association with central characters in the epic, despite not being the most prevalent form of marriage, might reflect the narrative's requirements rather than strictly social realities.

A Dynamic Text

The Mahabharata continued to grow and transform beyond the Sanskrit version. Over centuries, it was retold in various languages, with regional stories incorporated and the central narrative adapted. Episodes were depicted in art and performed in plays, dance, and other narrations, showing its dynamic nature and ongoing dialogue with different communities and traditions.

Illustration depicting a scene from the Mahabharata (detail from a painting)

Retellings often creatively adapt the main story. Mahashweta Devi's story "Kunti O Nishadi" provides an alternative perspective on an episode (the house of lac plot) silent in the Sanskrit text, highlighting the fate of marginalized characters (a Nishada woman and her sons) caught in the Pandavas' escape. This demonstrates how the epic continues to be reinterpreted to raise new questions about social issues.