| Non-Rationalised History NCERT Notes, Solutions and Extra Q & A (Class 6th to 12th) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 6th | 7th | 8th | 9th | 10th | 11th | 12th | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Chapter 8. Peasants, Zamindars And The State Agrarian Society And the Mughal Empire (c. sixteenth- seventeenth centuries)
During the 16th and 17th centuries, a significant majority of India's population, around 85%, resided in villages.
Agricultural production was the primary economic activity, involving both ordinary farmers (peasants) and powerful landed elites (zamindars).
Both groups had rights to a share of the agricultural produce, leading to complex relationships among them characterized by cooperation, competition, and often conflict.
The sum total of these agrarian relationships constituted the structure of rural society in Mughal India.
External forces also influenced the rural world. The most significant was the Mughal state, which relied heavily on agricultural production for its income.
State agents, such as revenue assessors, collectors, and record keepers, actively sought to manage rural society. Their main goal was to ensure continuous cultivation and secure the state's regular share of taxes from the produce.
Additionally, as many crops were grown specifically for sale in markets, trade, money, and markets penetrated village life, creating links between agricultural areas and urban centres.
Peasants And Agricultural Production
The fundamental unit of agrarian society was the village, inhabited by peasants (farmers).
Peasants performed the various tasks involved in agricultural production throughout the year, following seasonal cycles: tilling the soil, sowing seeds, and harvesting crops. They also contributed labor to processing agricultural produce into goods like sugar and oil.
However, rural India was not uniform. Beyond fertile areas with settled peasant farming, there were large tracts of dry land or hilly regions where cultivation methods differed. Significant portions of the territory were also covered by forests.
Understanding agrarian society requires acknowledging this varied topography and its impact on agricultural practices.
Looking For Sources
Most of our knowledge about agrarian history during the 16th and early 17th centuries comes from sources produced by the Mughal court and external observers, rather than directly from the peasants themselves, as peasants did not write about their lives.
A crucial source is the Ain-i Akbari (the Ain), authored by Abu’l Fazl, Akbar's court historian. This text provides meticulous records of state policies regarding agriculture, revenue collection, and the relationship between the state and powerful rural figures (zamindars).
The Ain aimed to present a harmonious view of Akbar's empire under a strong ruling class, often portraying any resistance to the state as predetermined to fail. Therefore, the information about peasants in the Ain represents a perspective "from the top" (the state's viewpoint).
To supplement the Ain, historians use other sources:
- Detailed revenue records from regions like Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Rajasthan (17th and 18th centuries).
- Extensive records from the East India Company, describing agrarian relations in eastern India (see Chapter 10).
These supplementary sources, unlike the Ain, often record conflicts between peasants, zamindars, and the state, offering insights into peasants' perspectives and their expectations of fairness from the state.
Peasants And Their Lands
Indo-Persian sources from the Mughal period frequently used terms like raiyat (plural, riaya) or muzarian to refer to peasants. Other terms include kisan or asami.
Seventeenth-century sources distinguish between two types of peasants:
- Khud-kashta: Peasants who were residents of the village where they owned and cultivated their land.
- Pahi-kashta: Non-resident cultivators who belonged to one village but cultivated land in another on a contractual basis. Peasants might become pahi-kashta by choice (e.g., seeking more favourable revenue terms elsewhere) or compulsion (e.g., forced by economic hardship like famine).
Most peasants in north India had limited resources, typically owning no more than a pair of bullocks and two ploughs, often even less.
Landholdings varied regionally in size considered 'affluent'. In Gujarat, about six acres was considered affluent, whereas in Bengal, five acres was an average peasant farm, and ten acres would make one a rich asami.
Agricultural cultivation was based on the principle of individual ownership of land by peasants. Peasant lands could be bought and sold like other property.
Nineteenth-century descriptions confirm that in the Delhi-Agra region, cultivating peasants marked and demarcated their individual fields using borders of earth, brick, or thorn, resulting in numerous distinct fields within a village.
Source 1: Excerpt from Babur Nama on peasants' mobility and settlement in Hindustan.
Babur observes swift depopulation/setup of hamlets, villages, towns in Hindustan. People fleeing large, old towns leave no trace quickly. Settling in a place, they don't need to dig water courses (crops rain-grown). Population unlimited, swarms in. Make tank/well. Don't need to build houses/walls initially; khas-grass/wood abundant, huts made, village/town immediately appears.
Answer:
Babur was struck by several aspects of agricultural life and settlement patterns unique to regions in northern India. He noted the remarkable ease and speed with which villages and towns could be abandoned and re-established. He observed that peasants did not need to construct elaborate irrigation systems like canals in many areas because crops relied on rain (rain-grown). He also noted the rapid establishment of settlements due to abundant resources like grass and wood for building simple huts and the availability of a large population, allowing them to quickly form communities around water sources like tanks or wells. His description emphasizes the mobility of the population and the reliance on natural resources and rainfall, contrasting with regions requiring more permanent and complex infrastructure for settlement and agriculture.
Irrigation And Technology
Three key factors contributing to the continuous expansion of agriculture were the abundance of land, available labour, and the mobility of peasants.
Basic food staples (rice, wheat, millets) were the most common crops, dictated by rainfall patterns. Regions with 40+ inches of rainfall were primarily rice zones, followed by wheat and millets in areas with decreasing precipitation.
The monsoon rains were, and remain, essential for Indian agriculture. However, some crops or regions required supplementary water through artificial irrigation systems.
Source 2: Excerpt from the Babur Nama describing irrigation devices in northern India.
Babur observes most of Hindustan level, many towns/cultivated lands but nowhere running waters. Water not necessary for crops/orchards; autumn crops rain-grown, spring crops grow without rain. To young trees, water flows by buckets/wheels. Lahore/Dipalpur/other parts water by wheel: 2 rope circles w/wood strips/pitchers over well. Second wheel on axle, third on upright axle turned by bullock; catches teeth, turns wheel w/pitchers. Trough empties water, conveyed everywhere. Agra/Chandwar/Bayana/other parts water with bucket: set wood fork w/roller at well-edge, tie rope to bucket over roller, tie other end to bullock. 1 person drives bullock, other empties bucket.
Answer:
Comparing irrigation devices observed by Babur in northern India with those in Vijayanagara (Chapter 7): In Vijayanagara, significant irrigation came from reservoirs (like Kamalapuram tank) and elaborate canals (Hiriya canal) drawing water from a river (Tungabhadra). These required large-scale state organisation and labor mobilization (15-20,000 men for a tank). In northern India, Babur describes systems primarily relying on wells (wheel system, bucket system). These are simpler technologies focused on lifting groundwater from wells. While canals existed in northern India (like Shahnahr repaired by Shah Jahan), Babur highlights the well-based systems. Resources required for northern systems: bullocks, rope, wood, pitchers, wheels, buckets, and labor (1-2 people per well). Resources for Vijayanagara systems: massive amounts of stone, earthwork, large-scale labor, engineering knowledge to build dams, tanks, and channels from a river. Which systems ensure peasant participation? The northern well-based systems directly involved peasants (driving bullocks, emptying buckets). These technologies were accessible at the village or individual level, encouraging peasant participation in improving their fields. The large-scale Vijayanagara systems (dams, canals) required state or collective organization for construction, but peasants would participate in building/maintaining smaller channels from the main canal. Both systems involved peasant labor, but the northern well systems were more direct peasant-level technologies.
Irrigation projects also received state support, such as the digging and repair of canals in northern India during the Mughal period.
Agricultural technology used by peasants included the wooden plough with an iron tip (light, preserved moisture), drills pulled by oxen for planting (though broadcasting was common), and narrow iron blades for hoeing/weeding.
An Abundance Of Crops
Agriculture followed two major seasonal cycles: kharif (autumn) and rabi (spring). Most regions produced at least two crops annually (do-fasla), with some areas having continuous water supply yielding three crops, resulting in enormous variety.
The Ain-i Akbari lists 39 varieties of crops in Agra province and 43 in Delhi over two seasons. Bengal alone produced 50 varieties of rice.
Medieval Indian agriculture wasn't solely for subsistence. Sources mention jins-i kamil ("perfect crops"), which were commercial crops bringing in more revenue, encouraged by the state. Examples include cotton (widely grown) and sugarcane (Bengal famous for its sugar). Oilseeds and lentils were also cash crops. Subsistence and commercial production were integrated on average peasant holdings.
Several new crops were introduced in the 17th century from other parts of the world: maize (from Africa/Spain), tomatoes, potatoes, chillies, pineapple, papaya (from the New World). Tobacco also spread rapidly in the 17th century after its introduction.
Agricultural prosperity contributed to slow but steady demographic growth, with India's population increasing significantly between 1600 and 1800 despite famines and epidemics.
The Village Community
Agricultural production involved intense peasant participation, influencing agrarian relations. Peasants held land individually but were part of a collective village community, which had three main constituents: the cultivators, the panchayat, and the village headman.
Caste And The Rural Milieu
Cultivators were a highly diverse group due to inequities based on caste and similar distinctions. A significant number worked as menials or agricultural laborers (majur), often from lower castes and facing poverty despite land availability. They had the least resources and were constrained by their caste position.
Such distinctions extended to Muslim communities (e.g., halalkhoran housed outside village, mallahzadas in Bihar comparable to slaves).
Caste, poverty, and social status were directly correlated at the lower levels. At intermediate levels, caste boundaries were more fluid. Rajputs were mentioned as peasants alongside lower-status Jats. Some castes (Ahirs, Gujars, Malis) rose in hierarchy through profitable cattle rearing and horticulture. In eastern India, some castes acquired peasant status.
Panchayats And Headmen
The village panchayat was an assembly of village elders, usually with hereditary rights over property. In villages with mixed castes, the panchayat was diverse but generally did not include menials or agricultural laborers.
Decisions were binding on members. The panchayat was led by a headman (muqaddam or mandal), often chosen by elder consensus (sometimes ratified by zamindar) and could be dismissed by elders.
Headman's chief functions: supervise village accounts (assisted by patwari), manage community funds (from individual contributions) used for entertaining officials, community welfare (natural calamities), and infrastructure projects (bunds, canals) unaffordable to individual peasants.
A vital function of the panchayat was upholding caste boundaries and norms. In eastern India, the headman oversaw conduct, "chiefly to prevent any offence against their caste." Panchayats could fine members or expel them from the community (drastic step leading to outcast status and loss of profession).
Each caste (jati) had its own jati panchayat, wielding power in rural society. In Rajasthan, jati panchayats arbitrated civil disputes between members of different castes, mediated land claims, decided marriage norms, and determined ritual precedence. The state usually respected jati panchayat decisions in non-criminal matters.
Archival records show villagers (from lowest rungs) petitioned panchayats against extortionate taxes or unpaid labor (begar) by "superior" castes or officials. Petitions were collective against illegitimate demands, especially during disasters. Petitioners viewed customary rights to basic survival as sanctioned and saw panchayats as a court of appeal for state's moral obligations and justice.
Panchayat decisions varied in conflicts between "lower-caste" peasants and state officials/zamindars. For excessive revenue demands, compromise was suggested; if reconciliation failed, peasants resorted to resistance like deserting the village. Availability of uncultivated land and competition for labor made desertion an effective peasant weapon.
Village Artisans
Village society included artisans (potters, blacksmiths, carpenters, barbers, goldsmiths), sometimes making up 25% of households. The distinction between artisans and peasants was fluid; many groups performed both roles seasonally. Cultivators and families engaged in craft production during lulls in agricultural activity (dyeing, textile printing, pottery, making/repairing implements).
Artisans provided specialized services and were compensated by villagers, often with a share of the harvest, or an allotment of land (perhaps wasteland) decided by the panchayat. In Maharashtra, these lands became the artisans' hereditary holding (miras or watan).
Sometimes artisans and individual peasant households negotiated remuneration (goods for services). Eighteenth-century records mention zamindars paying blacksmiths, carpenters, goldsmiths a daily allowance/diet money (later called jajmani system). Cash payment was also used.
A “Little Republic”?
Some 19th-century British officials viewed the village as a "little republic" of fraternal partners sharing resources/labour. This was inaccurate; there was individual ownership, deep inequities (caste, gender), and powerful individuals (often excluding weaker sections) who controlled village affairs and dispensed justice.
A cash nexus already existed through trade between villages and towns. Revenue was assessed/collected in cash. Artisans producing for export (weavers) and producers of cash crops (cotton, silk, indigo) received advances/wages in cash, indicating monetisation in the countryside.
Women In Agrarian Society
In agrarian society, agricultural production required the participation of both men and women, working together in the fields. Men typically tilled and ploughed, while women performed tasks like sowing, weeding, threshing, and winnowing. With the prevalence of individual peasant farming based on household labor, the traditional segregation of women to the home was not strictly possible; both men and women worked shoulder-to-shoulder in the fields.
However, biases related to women's biological functions persisted; menstruating women were sometimes prohibited from touching certain equipment (plough, potter's wheel) or entering specific areas (betel-leaf groves).
Women's labor was also crucial in artisanal tasks like spinning yarn, processing clay for pottery, and embroidery, particularly for commercial products.
Peasant and artisan women worked in fields, and sometimes went to employers' homes or markets.
Women were considered important for childbearing in a labour-dependent society. High mortality rates among women meant a shortage of wives, leading to customs like bride-price (instead of dowry) and legitimacy of remarriage for divorced/widowed women in rural communities, differing from elite norms.
Despite their vital roles, women were often kept under strict control by male family/community members, reflecting social norms where the household was male-headed. Severe punishments could be inflicted for suspected infidelity.
Documents from Western India record women petitioning village panchayats seeking justice against husbands' infidelity or neglect. While male infidelity wasn't always punished, intervention occurred to ensure the family was provided for. Women petitioners' names were often excluded from records, referred to by their relationship to the male head.
Among the landed gentry, women had inheritance rights. Instances from Punjab show women (including widows) actively participating in the rural land market by selling inherited property. Hindu and Muslim women inherited zamindaris and could sell or mortgage them. Women zamindars were known in 18th-century Bengal, including the head of the large Rajshahi zamindari.
Forests And Tribes
Beyond settled agricultural villages, large forest areas existed across India during this period. Forest dwellers were called jangli in contemporary texts. This term referred to their livelihood (gathering forest produce, hunting, shifting agriculture), which was seasonal, requiring mobility.
Beyond Settled Villages
For the state, forests were seen as places of refuge for rebels and troublemakers, making them subversive places where people might evade taxes.
Inroads Into Forests
External forces penetrated forests for various reasons:
- State Needs: The state required resources like elephants for the army. Tribute (peshkash) from forest people often included elephant supply.
- Royal Hunts: Mughal emperors conducted regular hunting expeditions (Fig 8.9), which symbolized the state's concern for all subjects and allowed the emperor to travel across the empire, interacting with inhabitants and hearing grievances (as per court historians). Hunts were frequently depicted by court artists, sometimes with symbolic elements (like a chain linking the hunt to ideal justice) suggesting harmonious reign.
- Forest Clearance: Forests were cleared to expand agricultural settlements.
- Trade: Commercial agriculture expanded into forest areas. Forest products (honey, beeswax, gum lac) were in demand, some becoming major export items. Elephants were captured/sold. Trade involved barter or exchange of commodities (Fig 8.10 describes trade between hill tribes and plains).
- Social/Political Changes: Tribal chiefs became zamindars or kings, building armies by recruiting lineage members or demanding military service (e.g., tribes in Sind, Ahom kings in Assam). Transition from tribal to monarchical systems was developed by the 16th century. War between tribal kingdoms was common.
- Cultural Influences: New cultural influences, like Sufi saints (pirs), penetrated forest zones, potentially contributing to the acceptance of Islam among communities clearing forests for agriculture (see Chapter 6).
Source 3: Excerpt from a 16th-century Bengali poem, Chandimangala, describing the hero Kalaketu setting up a kingdom by clearing forests.
Hero Kalaketu clears forests, outsiders (Das from north, harvesters from south, Zafar Mian w/men from west - chanting pir/Prophet names, w/Sulaimani beads) arrive from various lands. Kalaketu gives them knives, axes, etc. Outsiders eat, enter forest to clear. Tigers roar, run away hearing axes.
Answer:
The text evokes forms of intrusion into the forest primarily related to agricultural expansion and settlement. Outsiders (Das, harvesters, Zafar Mian and his men) come from different regions with tools (knives, axes) specifically for clearing the forest ("Having cleared the forest / They established markets"). The message of the poem suggests that clearing forests was a process of establishing new settlements and bringing different groups of people (from other parts of the subcontinent, identified as "outsiders" or "foreigners" from the perspective of the original forest dwellers) into the forest landscape for cultivation and trade (establishing markets). Comparing with Fig. 8.9 (hunting scene), the poem depicts a systematic process of land clearance and settlement, whereas the painting depicts a royal activity (hunt) that involves entering the forest but not necessarily clearing it for settlement, though it asserts state presence. People identified as "foreigners" from the perspective of the forest dwellers are those outsiders who come from various lands (north, south, west) to clear the forest and settle there, displacing the forest dwellers. The poem indicates diverse origins, including groups with distinct cultural/religious practices (chanting names of pir/Prophet, using Sulaimani beads).
Source 4: Abu’l Fazl’s description of trade between hill tribes and the plains in the suba of Awadh (c. 1595).
Goods from northern mountains carried on men's backs, ponies, goats: gold, copper, lead, musk, yak tails, honey, acid (orange/lemon), pomegranate seed, ginger, long pepper, red dye root, borax, zedoary, wax, woolens, wooden ware, hawks, falcons. Exchange goods carried back: white/colored cloths, amber, salt, asafoetida, ornaments, glass, earthen ware.
Answer:
The modes of transport described are primarily based on human and animal carriage: goods carried "on the backs of men," "of stout ponies," and "of goats." These modes were used likely because the terrain in the northern mountains was difficult and mountainous, making wheeled transport impractical or impossible. Animal power (ponies, goats) and human labor were the most feasible ways to traverse such landscapes and carry goods. Explaining uses of articles carried back: White/colored cloths, amber, salt, asafoetida, ornaments, glass, and earthenware were likely used for consumption, adornment, or practical household purposes by the hill tribes, acquired in exchange for the forest/mountain products they brought down. Salt, in particular, was a vital commodity for basic needs, likely not readily available in the mountains. Cloth and ornaments served as clothing and adornment. Asafoetida, glass, and earthenware would have had culinary, practical, or decorative uses.
The Zamindars
The zamindars were a class in the countryside who derived livelihood from agriculture but did not directly participate in production. They were landed proprietors with social and economic privileges due to their status. Status was linked to caste and services (khidmat) for the state.
Zamindars held extensive personal lands called milkiyat (property), cultivated for private use with hired/servile labour. Milkiyat could be sold, bequeathed, or mortgaged.
Power sources for zamindars: collecting revenue on state's behalf (with compensation), control over military resources (fortresses - qilachas, armed contingents of cavalry, artillery, infantry).
Zamindars formed the narrow apex of rural society. Ain's account shows dominance of "upper-caste" (Brahmana-Rajput) combine, representation from intermediate castes, and Muslim zamindaris. Some zamindaris originated from conquest (dispossession of weaker people by powerful chieftains), requiring imperial confirmation (sanad). More common were slower processes of consolidation: colonisation of new lands, transfer of rights (by state order/purchase). This allowed some from "lower" castes to become zamindars. Clan- or lineage-based zamindaris (Rajputs, Jats) consolidated control over territory. Peasant-pastoralists also carved out powerful zamindaris.
A parallel army!: According to the Ain, the combined military strength of the zamindars was 384,558 cavalry, 4,277,057 infantry, 1,863 elephants, 4,260 cannons, and 4,500 boats.
Answer:
This detail from the Ain reveals the immense military power collectively held by the zamindars across the Mughal Empire. The term "parallel army" is fitting because the sheer numbers listed (over 4 million infantry, hundreds of thousands of cavalry, thousands of elephants/cannons/boats) indicate that the military resources controlled by the zamindars were comparable to, or even larger than, the standing army maintained directly by the emperor (as mentioned in Chapter 9, mansabdars provided contingents, but the zamindars had their own forces). This demonstrates that zamindars were not merely revenue collectors; they were also significant military powers at the local and regional levels. Their ability to field such large forces was a major source of their influence, enabling them to maintain control over their territories, resist challenges (including from the state), and potentially engage in conflicts. It highlights the decentralized nature of military power within the Mughal framework, where local elites commanded substantial armed forces independent of the imperial mansabdari system, forming a significant "parallel army" throughout the empire.
Zamindars spearheaded land colonisation, helping cultivators with cultivation means (cash loans), boosting monetisation (buying/selling zamindaris, selling produce from milkiyat). They established markets (haats) where peasants sold produce.
Though exploitative, zamindar-peasant relations had reciprocity/patronage. Bhakti saints (condemning oppression) rarely portrayed zamindars/moneylenders as exploiters, focusing ire on state revenue officials. In 17th-century north India uprisings, zamindars often received peasant support against the state, showing a complex relationship.
Land Revenue System
Land revenue was the main source of income for the Mughal Empire, making control over agricultural production and tax collection vital. The fiscal system was supervised by the diwan. Revenue officials and record keepers significantly influenced agrarian relations.
The Mughal state aimed to gather information on agricultural lands and their produce to fix taxes. Revenue arrangements involved two stages: assessment (jama - amount assessed) and actual collection (hasil - amount collected).
Akbar decreed collection should prioritize cash but allow payment in kind. State aimed to maximize claims, though actual collection faced local constraints.
Cultivated and cultivable lands were measured. Ain compiled aggregates from Akbar's rule; measurement continued under successors (Aurangzeb instructed annual records of cultivators). Unmeasured areas included vast forests.
Source 5: Ain excerpt on classification of lands under Akbar and revenue assessment criteria.
Akbar classified lands, different revenue for each. Polaj: annually cultivated, never fallow. Parauti: left fallow temporarily (recover strength). Chachar: left fallow 3-4 years. Banjar: uncultivated 5+ years. First two types (Polaj/Parauti) have 3 classes: good, middling, bad. Add produce of each, 1/3rd total is medium produce. 1/3rd of medium produce is Royal dues (revenue exacted).
Answer:
The Mughal state followed principles of land classification based on cultivation intensity and fertility/productivity for revenue assessment. Lands were categorised based on how frequently they were cultivated (annually, periodically fallow, long fallow, uncultivated). For the best lands (Polaj and Parauti), a three-tier classification (good, middling, bad) based on estimated produce was used. Revenue was assessed based on the *average* produce of these three classes. The principle was that the state's share (Royal dues) was fixed at one-third of the medium produce. The method of assessment was based on measuring land, classifying it, estimating or measuring produce, and then calculating the state's share based on a fixed proportion (1/3rd).
The expansion of the empire would have significantly increased the total area under cultivation and brought diverse agricultural regions and populations under Mughal fiscal control. This would lead to a massive increase in the total land revenue collected by the state. However, it would also increase the administrative challenges of measurement, assessment, and collection across vast and varied territories, requiring a more complex and decentralized revenue administration.
Source 6: Aurangzeb’s order (1665) to revenue official (amin) on assessing jama.
Direct amins of parganas to find actual cultivation conditions (maujudat) village by village, peasant-wise (asamiwar). After scrutiny, assess jama (amount assessed) considering financial interests (kifayat) of government and welfare of peasantry.
Answer:
This order from Aurangzeb shows the emperor's directive for detailed, village-level, and even peasant-specific assessment of cultivation conditions and output. He insisted on a detailed survey ("discover the actual conditions," "minute scrutiny") likely for several reasons: to get accurate information about the revenue potential of each area, to prevent underassessment or fraud by local officials or powerful individuals, to ensure the state maximized its revenue collection ("keeping in view the financial interests... of the government"), and to potentially address the welfare of the peasantry by ensuring a fair assessment ("welfare of the peasantry") based on actual conditions rather than arbitrary demands. Accurate data was needed for efficient and potentially more just fiscal administration, although the balance between maximizing state claims and peasant welfare could be difficult to achieve in practice.
Source 7: Ain excerpt on land revenue collection methods (kankut, batai, khet-batai, lang batai) and preference for cash payment.
Amil-guzar should take revenue in cash, also kind (several ways). Kankut (Hindi: grain estimate): estimate crops. Doubt -> cut/estimate in 3 lots (good, middling, inferior), remove hesitation. Appraisement gives accurate return. Batai/bhaoli: crops reaped/stacked/divided by agreement (presence of parties). Needs inspectors (prevent deception by ill-minded/false). Khet-batai: divide fields after sown. Lang batai: after cutting, form in heaps, divide, each takes share.
Answer:
The variety of assessment and collection methods described (kankut, batai, khet-batai, lang batai) indicates that the Mughal land revenue system was quite flexible, adapting to local conditions and different stages of crop growth. However, the preference for cash payment (naqdi) highlighted by Akbar (in Source 5 and implied here) had a significant impact. Advantages of cash payment for the state: easier to store, transport, and standardize for accounts. Disadvantages for cultivator: they had to sell produce to get cash, making them vulnerable to market price fluctuations, especially right after harvest when prices were low. Methods like batai allowed payment in kind, linking revenue directly to harvest yield (less risk of default in poor harvest). Kankut involved estimation (risk of overestimation). Khet-batai/lang batai involved physical division, potentially reducing estimation errors but being labor-intensive. The flexibility in methods (cash vs. kind, estimation vs. physical division) suggests adaptability, but the push for cash payment (preferable for the state) could impose financial burdens on cultivators, especially in less monetized areas or during low price periods. Overall, the system aimed for efficiency for the state but introduced risks and complexities for the cultivator, making the process of revenue collection a significant point of interaction and potential conflict.
The Ain provides detailed information on land classification (Polaj, Parauti, Chachar, Banjar) and assessment based on productivity (good, middling, bad, with 1/3rd medium produce as state's share). Different collection methods existed (kankut - estimate, batai/bhaoli - division of harvested crop, khet-batai - division of sown fields, lang batai - division of grain heaps), giving the system some flexibility, though the preference for cash payment was strong.
The Flow Of Silver
The Mughal Empire, like other large Asian empires (Ming, Safavid, Ottoman), consolidated power and resources during the 16th-17th centuries. Political stability fostered vibrant overland trade networks across Asia. Voyages of discovery and trade with the Americas and Europe led to massive expansion of Asia's (including India's) trade.
This trade resulted in a huge inflow of silver bullion into Asia, much of which eventually reached India to pay for goods. This inflow was beneficial as India lacked natural silver resources.
The period saw remarkable stability in the availability of metal currency, especially the silver rupya. This supported unprecedented expansion of coin minting and money circulation, enabling the Mughal state to collect taxes and revenue predominantly in cash.
Giovanni Careri, an Italian traveler (c. 1690), described the global flow of silver to India, highlighting the massive cash and commodity transactions of the time.
Source 8: Excerpt from Giovanni Careri’s account on how silver came to India (based on Bernier).
Describes Wealth of Mughal Empire: all gold/silver circulates globally centers here. From America, through Europe, partly into Turkey (commodities), part into Persia (silk via Smirna). Turks need coffee (Oman/Arabia). Persia, Arabia, Turks need India's commodities. Send vast money to Moka (Red Sea), Bassora (Persian Gulf), sent over to Hindustan. Indian, Dutch, English, Portuguese ships carry Hindustan commodities to places (Myanmar, Siam, Ceylon, Maldives, Mozambique) must convey much gold/silver from those countries. Dutch fetch from Japan mines, goes to Hindustan sooner/later. Goods carry'd to Europe (France, England, Portugal) purchased for ready Mony, remains there.
Answer:
Careri's account details a complex global network of trade flows in the late 17th century that resulted in a massive inflow of silver and gold into India. Silver from the Americas flowed into Europe, and then much of it was used by European merchants (Dutch, English, Portuguese, French) to buy goods in Asia, including India. Persian and Ottoman merchants, trading with Europe for commodities like silk and coffee, also received silver, which they then used to purchase goods from India (sent via routes like the Red Sea and Persian Gulf). Furthermore, India traded with other parts of Asia (like Myanmar, Thailand, Sri Lanka, Maldives) and Africa (Mozambique), receiving precious metals in return. Silver from Japanese mines, obtained by the Dutch, also eventually made its way to India through trade. Careri emphasizes that European powers primarily paid for Indian goods with "ready Mony" (silver/gold), which remained in India. This illustrates how India's strong position as a producer and exporter of desirable goods (textiles, spices, etc.) in the global market led to a net inflow of precious metals, making it a sink for the world's silver and gold circulation during this period.
The Ain-I Akbari Of Abu’L Fazl Allami
The Ain-i Akbari, completed by Abu’l Fazl in 1598, was a comprehensive project of classification and documentation ordered by Emperor Akbar. It underwent five revisions, reflecting Abu'l Fazl's careful approach.
The Ain is the third book of the larger history, the Akbar Nama (first two books are historical narrative). It serves as a compendium of imperial regulations and a gazetteer of the empire, providing detailed information about various aspects of Akbar's rule and the empire's characteristics.
It includes accounts of court, administration, army, revenue sources, physical layout of provinces (subas), and literary, cultural, and religious traditions. It provides intricate quantitative data on provinces, including geographic, topographic, and economic profiles, administrative/fiscal divisions (sarkars, parganas, mahals), measured area, and assessed revenue (jama).
The mulk-abadi (third book) gives a detailed picture of subas and sarkars in tables with eight columns: (1) pargana/mahal; (2) qila (forts); (3) arazi and zamin-i paimuda (measured area); (4) naqdi (cash revenue); (5) suyurghal (charity grants); (6) zamindars; (7-8) caste and military strength of zamindars (cavalry, infantry, elephants).
This section offers a detailed, complex view of agrarian society in northern India.
Source 9: Excerpt where Abu’l Fazl describes his process of collecting information for the Akbar Nama.
Abu’l Fazl given mandate to write about glorious events/dominion-conquering victories. Spent much labor researching, interrogating state servants/old family members. Examined prudent/truth-speaking old men and active/right-acting young ones, wrote statements. Royal commands issued to provinces for copying/sending notes/memoranda from old service. Second command: collected materials read to king; later additions as supplement. Details needing minute inquiry inserted later at leisure. Relieved by royal order, wrote drafts. Got chronicle from 19th year of Divine Era (Record Office established). Gathered events. Took pains to get originals/copies of orders to provinces (Accession to present). Incorporated reports from ministers/officials on empire/foreign affairs. Labor-loving soul satisfied. Exerted to collect rough notes/memoranda of sagacious/well-informed men. Constructed reservoir for irrigating/moistening rose garden of fortune (Akbar Nama).
Answer:
Abu’l Fazl used a wide range of sources to compile his monumental work, reflecting a systematic and multi-faceted approach to history writing. These sources include: interrogations of state servants and old members of the imperial family (oral testimonies), examination of older and younger knowledgeable individuals (oral testimonies), records and narratives of the emperor's actions, notes and memoranda from the provinces from those with old service (written provincial records), records from the imperial Record Office (established in the 19th regnal year), originals or copies of imperial orders issued to the provinces (imperial administrative documents), reports submitted by ministers and high officials on empire/foreign affairs (official reports), and rough notes/memoranda of sagacious and well-informed men. Among these, the most useful sources for understanding agrarian relations would be: the notes and memoranda from the provinces, the imperial orders issued to the provinces (especially those related to land revenue and administration), and the reports from ministers/high officials (as some reports would cover the state of provinces and their administration/economy). While oral testimonies and private notes of informed men would provide some insights into rural life and administration, official provincial records, imperial orders, and ministerial reports would contain the most direct and systematic information related to land measurement, revenue assessment/collection, and the state's policies/interactions in the agrarian sector.
Abu'l Fazl's relationship with Akbar likely significantly influenced his work. As the court historian and a close confidant ("this sublime mandate was given"), his primary objective was to present a history that glorified Akbar and his reign ("glorious events," "dominion-conquering victories"). This relationship would influence the selection, emphasis, and interpretation of events, potentially downplaying aspects that reflected negatively on the emperor or his administration. The description of his labor as constructing a "reservoir for irrigating and moistening the rose garden of fortune (the Akbar Nama)" suggests a conscious effort to present a positive and prosperous image of the empire under Akbar's rule. While he claims to have cross-checked information and sought authenticity, the overall framework and narrative would likely be shaped to serve the patron's interests and vision of the empire.
The Ain was revised five times, indicating Abu'l Fazl's caution and pursuit of authenticity. Oral testimonies were cross-checked; quantitative data reproduced in words to minimize errors. However, the Ain has limitations: minor errors in totaling, uneven data collection across provinces (e.g., caste composition data for zamindars missing for Bengal/Orissa), limited documentation of prices/wages (mostly from Agra region). Despite limitations, the Ain is an extraordinary source, providing quantitative information and insights into social fabric, departing from earlier chronicles focused on political events.
Translating the Ain: The Ain has been translated into English in three volumes by Henry Blochmann (Vol 1) and H.S. Jarrett (Vols 2 & 3), making it accessible to a wider range of scholars.
The Ain's quantitative evidence is invaluable for agrarian relations study. Information on people, professions, trades, imperial establishment, and grandees helps reconstruct India's social fabric around 1600.
Answer in 100-150 words
Questions requiring short essay answers based on key aspects of agrarian society in the Mughal Empire, drawing upon evidence from the chapter and the Ain.
Write a short essay (about 250-300 words) on the following:
Questions requiring more detailed essay answers, analyzing specific themes like caste's influence, transformation of forest dwellers' lives, the role of zamindars, and the functions of village panchayats.
If you would like to know more, read:
Suggestions for further reading on the topic.
For more information, you could visit:
Suggestions for online resources.
Map work
Map-based activity related to economic links and routes of the Mughal Empire.
Project (choose one)
Suggestions for independent projects involving visiting a village and comparing its contemporary features with the Mughal period, or analyzing a section of the Ain as a historical source.
Credits for Illustrations
List of sources for the images used in the chapter.