| Non-Rationalised Civics / Political Science NCERT Notes, Solutions and Extra Q & A (Class 6th to 12th) | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Chapter 2 Era Of One-Party Dominance
This chapter follows the previous one by focusing on the second major challenge faced by independent India: establishing and consolidating democracy. Unlike many other newly independent nations that opted for non-democratic rule citing concerns about national unity and potential internal conflicts, India chose the more difficult path of instituting democratic politics immediately after independence. This choice was deeply rooted in the principles and ideals of the Indian freedom struggle, which was strongly committed to democracy. Indian leaders viewed politics not as a source of problems but as a mechanism for resolving them, believing it was essential for society to decide how to govern itself and pursue the public interest despite differing aspirations.
The Constitution of India, adopted on 26 November 1949 and effective from 26 January 1950, laid down the framework for democratic governance. The immediate task was to transition from the interim government to the first democratically elected government. While initially expected to take only a few months, the process proved challenging given the scale of the country.
The **Election Commission of India** was established in January 1950, with Sukumar Sen as the first Chief Election Commissioner. Organizing the first general elections was a monumental undertaking, unprecedented in the world. Key challenges included:
- **Delimitation:** Drawing the boundaries of electoral constituencies across the vast country.
- **Electoral Rolls:** Preparing accurate lists of all eligible voters. The initial draft revealed the exclusion of nearly 40 lakh women whose names were listed generically (e.g., "wife of...", "daughter of..."), prompting the Election Commission to order revisions.
- **Scale of Electorate:** There were approximately 17 crore eligible voters who needed to elect 3,200 MLAs (for state assemblies) and 489 MPs (for the Lok Sabha).
- **Literacy:** Only about 15% of eligible voters were literate, requiring special methods for voting.
The sheer size and complexity made this first election a critical test for democracy in a poor and largely illiterate nation. At the time, democracy was primarily associated with prosperous, literate countries in Europe and North America; many European nations had not even granted full voting rights to women yet. India's adoption of **universal adult franchise** was seen as a bold and risky experiment by many critics.
This cartoon comments on the initial problem of listing women in the first electoral rolls without their own names, highlighting a subtle societal challenge faced by the Election Commission in recognizing women's individual identity and political agency.
Information about B.R. Ambedkar's quote on hero-worship:
This quote from B.R. Ambedkar's speech in the Constituent Assembly warns against excessive 'hero-worship' in politics, viewing it as a potential threat to democracy and a path that could lead to degradation and dictatorship, emphasizing the importance of institutional processes over blind faith in leaders.
Information about changing methods of voting:
The method of voting has evolved since the first general election. Initially (1952-1962), each polling booth had separate boxes for each candidate, marked with their election symbol. Voters dropped a blank ballot paper into their chosen candidate's box. Over 20 lakh steel boxes were used for this purpose, requiring extensive preparation to label them accurately in multiple languages. From the third election onwards (1962-1999), ballot papers listed all candidates and voters used a stamp to mark their preference. Since the late 1990s, Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) have been introduced and were used nationwide by 2004, replacing the paper ballot methods.
These images show the evolution of voting methods in India, from paper ballots requiring symbolic representation or stamping to modern Electronic Voting Machines, reflecting efforts to improve efficiency and fairness in elections.
Congress Dominance In The First Three General Elections
The first general elections were held from October 1951 to February 1952, commonly referred to as the 1952 election. Despite initial skepticism and logistical challenges, the elections were successfully conducted, with a competitive environment (over four candidates per seat) and encouraging turnout (over half of eligible voters participating). Crucially, the results were widely accepted as fair, even by losing parties. This demonstrated that democratic elections were feasible even in conditions of poverty and low literacy, proving critics wrong and marking a significant landmark in the history of democracy globally.
The results of the first general election were not entirely surprising in terms of the winning party. The **Indian National Congress** was widely expected to win due to its legacy from the national movement, its nationwide organizational network, and the immense popularity of its leader, Jawaharlal Nehru, who spearheaded the election campaign.
However, the sheer scale of the Congress victory did surprise many. The party secured **364 out of 489 seats** in the first Lok Sabha, achieving a dominant majority. The Communist Party of India (CPI) was the second-largest party, winning only 16 seats. State assembly elections held simultaneously also saw overwhelming Congress victories, securing a majority in all states except Travancore-Cochin, Madras, and Orissa, where it eventually formed governments as well. Thus, the Congress party controlled the government at both national and state levels.
This electoral map of India depicting the results of the 1952 general election visually demonstrates the extensive geographical reach and overwhelming number of constituencies won by the Indian National Congress across the country.
The dominance continued in the **second (1957) and third (1962) general elections**, where the Congress consistently won around three-fourths of the Lok Sabha seats. Opposition parties combined could not win even one-tenth of the seats won by Congress. While the Congress faced some instances of not gaining a majority in state assembly elections, the most significant exception was in Kerala in 1957.
Information about the Communist Victory in Kerala (1957):
In 1957, the Communist Party of India (CPI) achieved a historic victory in Kerala, winning the largest number of seats (60 out of 126) and forming the government with independent support under E. M. S. Namboodiripad. This was the first time a Communist party government came to power through democratic elections anywhere in the world. However, facing opposition led by the Congress party, which launched a 'liberation struggle' against the elected government, the CPI ministry was controversially dismissed by the Central government in 1959 using Article 356 (President's Rule), setting a precedent for the potential misuse of emergency powers.
The extent of Congress's victory was partly amplified by India's **First-Past-the-Post (FPTP)** electoral system. In this system, the candidate with the most votes in a constituency wins, even if they don't secure a majority of the total votes. This often leads to parties winning significantly more seats than their national vote share would suggest. In 1952, Congress won 74% of seats with only 45% of the total votes. Conversely, the Socialist Party, with over 10% of the votes, won less than 3% of seats. The division of non-Congress votes among multiple opposition parties allowed the Congress to win constituencies even without a majority of the popular vote, contributing to its dominant position.
Nature Of Congress Dominance
While one-party dominance is not unique to India, the nature of the Congress party's dominance was significantly different from other instances globally. In countries like China, Cuba, Syria, Mexico (historically), or Myanmar (historically), single-party or dominant-party rule was often maintained through legal restrictions on other parties, military force, or manipulation of elections. In contrast, the Congress party's dominance in India occurred under **democratic conditions**; multiple parties freely contested elections, and the Congress consistently won through free and fair electoral processes. This is comparable to the dominance of the African National Congress (ANC) in post-apartheid South Africa.
The exceptional success of the Congress party in the early decades stemmed from several factors:
- **Legacy of the National Movement:** The Congress was seen as the direct inheritor of the freedom struggle, closely associated with achieving independence. Many prominent national leaders were Congress candidates.
- **Organizational Strength:** Congress was a very well-established party with a nationwide network reaching down to the local level, giving it a significant advantage over newer parties that formed closer to or after independence.
- **Charismatic Leadership:** Jawaharlal Nehru was a highly popular and charismatic leader who effectively led the party's campaigns.
Information about B.R. Ambedkar:
Babasaheb Dr. B.R. Ambedkar (1891-1956) was a leading figure in the anti-caste movement and a champion of Dalit rights. A scholar and intellectual, he founded the Independent Labour Party and later the Scheduled Castes Federation. He played a crucial role as the Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Constituent Assembly, shaping the Indian Constitution. He served as a Minister in Nehru's first cabinet but resigned due to differences over the Hindu Code Bill. Towards the end of his life, he adopted Buddhism.
Congress As Social And Ideological Coalition
The Congress party evolved from its beginnings in 1885 as a group primarily for the educated elite into a mass movement in the 20th century. This transformation laid the groundwork for its dominance. With each phase of the freedom struggle, its social base expanded, bringing together incredibly diverse groups with often contradictory interests, such as peasants and industrialists, villagers and urban dwellers, various classes and castes, religions, and language groups. By independence, Congress had become a **broad social coalition**, representing India's vast diversity like a 'rainbow'. Its leadership also diversified to include more rural-oriented, agriculture-based figures.
Information about Rafi Ahmed Kidwai:
Rafi Ahmed Kidwai (1894-1954) was a notable Congress leader from Uttar Pradesh, serving as a minister in the provincial government before independence and later as a minister in India's first cabinet led by Nehru, holding portfolios like Communications and Food and Agriculture.
Information about Maulana Abul Kalam Azad:
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958) was an Islamic scholar, freedom fighter, and prominent Congress leader. A strong advocate of Hindu-Muslim unity, he opposed Partition. He was a member of the Constituent Assembly and served as the first Education Minister of independent India.
Information about Rajkumari Amrit Kaur:
Rajkumari Amrit Kaur (1889-1964) was a Gandhian and freedom fighter from the royal family of Kapurthala. A member of the Constituent Assembly, she became the first Health Minister of independent India, serving until 1957.
Information about The Communist Party of India:
Communist groups emerged in India in the early 1920s, inspired by the Bolshevik revolution. The Communist Party of India (CPI) worked within the Congress from 1935 but split in 1941 by supporting the British war effort against Nazi Germany. At independence, the CPI was well-organized but debated the nature of Indian independence (whether it was 'true' freedom). Initially, the party encouraged violent uprisings (e.g., in Telangana), believing 1947 was not real independence, but faced military suppression. In 1951, the CPI shifted to electoral politics and became the largest opposition party in the first general election, winning 16 seats. Its support was concentrated in specific states like Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal, Bihar, and Kerala. Notable leaders included A. K. Gopalan, S.A. Dange, and E.M.S. Namboodiripad. An ideological split between the Soviet Union and China led to a major split in the Indian communist movement in 1964, resulting in the formation of the CPI(M).
The Congress was also an **ideological coalition**. It accommodated a wide spectrum of political beliefs, from revolutionary to pacifist, conservative to radical, extremist to moderate, and various shades of the left, right, and center. In the pre-independence era, various organizations and parties with their own structures existed within the Congress as a broader platform for the national movement. Some of these later left Congress to form opposition parties. Despite differences, the Congress managed to contain and build consensus on many issues.
Tolerance And Management Of Factions
This coalition-like character was a source of strength for the Congress. It had to accommodate diverse interests, which meant it avoided extreme positions and sought balance and compromise on most issues, making it inclusive. This put the opposition at a disadvantage, as their positions were often already part of the Congress's broad ideology.
Secondly, in a coalition party like Congress, there was greater **tolerance for internal differences** and aspirations of various groups and leaders. These internal groups, called **factions**, were tolerated and even encouraged. Factions could be based on ideology or personal rivalries. Instead of weakening the party, this factionalism became a strength. Because there was space within the party for internal conflict and competition, leaders representing different interests and ideologies often remained within Congress rather than leaving to form new parties.
Most state units of Congress had multiple factions, making the party appear as a 'grand centrist party'. Opposition parties often tried to influence policy indirectly by engaging with these factions. Political competition largely occurred *within* the Congress. In this sense, during the first decade, Congress functioned as both the ruling party and the opposition, a period referred to as the **'Congress system'**.
Information about the film Simhasan:
The Marathi film "Simhasan" (1981) depicts the internal power struggles and factionalism within a ruling party (reflecting the Congress system) in Maharashtra, where the tussle for the Chief Minister's post involves complex maneuvering and bargaining, highlighting that significant political competition occurred within the dominant party itself, sometimes marginalizing the formal opposition.
Emergence Of Opposition Parties
India had a number of opposition parties from the very beginning, even during the era of Congress dominance. Although they achieved only token representation in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies, their presence was crucial for maintaining the democratic nature of the system.
The opposition parties played a significant role by:
- Offering **sustained and principled criticism** of Congress policies and practices, keeping the ruling party accountable and sometimes influencing its internal balance of power.
- Keeping a **democratic political alternative alive**, preventing discontent with the system from turning into anti-democratic sentiments.
- **Grooming future leaders** who would play important roles in later periods of Indian politics.
Many of today's non-Congress parties can trace their origins to the opposition parties of the 1950s.
Shankar's cartoon "Tug of War" depicts the government (represented by Nehru and cabinet on a tree) in a strong position, seemingly unshakable, while the opposition leaders (like A. K. Gopalan) struggle on the ground, attempting to pull the tree down. This illustrates the vast power imbalance between the dominant Congress government and the weak opposition parties in the early years.
Information about the Bharatiya Jana Sangh:
The Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) was founded in 1951 by Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, with roots in the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha. Its ideology emphasized 'one country, one culture, one nation' and believed in building a strong, modern India based on Indian culture and traditions. The BJS advocated for 'Akhand Bharat' (reunion of India and Pakistan), opposed replacing English with Hindi as the official language, and was against concessions for religious and cultural minorities. It also consistently supported India developing nuclear weapons. In the 1950s, the BJS remained a marginal electoral force, winning only 3-4 Lok Sabha seats. Its support base was primarily in urban areas of Hindi-speaking states. The modern Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) traces its lineage to the BJS.
Information about Shyama Prasad Mukherjee:
Shyama Prasad Mukherjee (1901-1953) was a leader of the Hindu Mahasabha and the founder of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. He was a minister in Nehru's first cabinet but resigned in 1950 over differences regarding relations with Pakistan. He was also a member of the Constituent Assembly and the first Lok Sabha. He strongly opposed India's policy of granting autonomy to Jammu & Kashmir and died in detention during a Jana Sangh agitation against this policy.
Information about Deen Dayal Upadhyaya:
Deen Dayal Upadhyaya (1916-1968) was a full-time RSS worker and a founder member of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, later serving as its General Secretary and President. He developed the concept of 'integral humanism', an important ideological tenet of the BJS and later the BJP.
Information about the Swatantra Party:
The Swatantra Party was formed in August 1959 by veteran Congressmen like C. Rajagopalachari, K.M. Munshi, N.G. Ranga, and Minoo Masani, following the Congress's socialist-leaning Nagpur resolution. Its ideology centered on economic liberalism and individual freedom. It opposed state intervention in the economy, centralized planning, nationalization, and the public sector, instead advocating for an expanded free private sector. The party was against land ceilings, cooperative farming, state trading, and progressive taxation. It favored closer ties with the US, criticizing non-alignment. The Swatantra Party attracted support from landlords, princes, industrialists, and the business class opposed to land reforms and nationalization. However, its narrow social base and lack of dedicated cadre limited its organizational reach.
Information about C. Rajagopalachari:
C. Rajagopalachari (1878-1972) was a senior Congress leader, close associate of Gandhi, and a literary writer. He was a member of the Constituent Assembly and served as the first Indian Governor-General of India (1948-1950). He also held ministerial positions and later founded the Swatantra Party in 1959. He was one of the first recipients of the Bharat Ratna award.
Information about Party competition in Bihar village (from Maila Anchal):
This translated excerpt from Fanishwarnath Renu's novel "Maila Anchal" provides a vivid portrayal of political competition at the grassroots level in rural Bihar during the early post-independence years. It contrasts the concerns of political parties (represented by the fight between Congress and Socialist parties, and internal Congress factionalism based on caste and money) with the more fundamental struggles of the poor (Santhal tillers). The quote about "when two buffalos fight, the grass beneath them gets crushed" illustrates how political rivalries can negatively impact ordinary people. However, the counterpoint suggests that competition can also benefit the public by offering choices and holding parties accountable. The description of factional fights within the Congress highlights the intense power struggle, influenced by wealthy businessmen and landlords, that occurred even at the district level, showing how the dominant party contained various interests and rivalries internally. The Santhals' interest in the Socialist meeting about land rights reflects how national political ideologies were interpreted and received at the local level based on pressing local issues like land ownership ("To whom does the land belong? To the tiller!").
The initial phase of India's democratic politics was distinctive. The Congress party's inclusive nature, inherited from the national movement, allowed it to become a broad social and ideological coalition, giving it a head start. Its ability to accommodate diverse interests and political aspirations within its structure, coupled with a system of managing internal factions, contributed significantly to its dominance. As this accommodative capacity declined over time, other political parties gained prominence, leading to different phases in Indian politics, which are explored in subsequent chapters.