Chapter 4 India’s External Relations

This chapter focuses on India's external relations since independence, examining how its foreign policy was shaped by the challenging international context of the post-World War II era and domestic factors. It explores the policy of non-alignment, India's relationships with key neighbors like China and Pakistan, and the evolution of its nuclear policy. These external relations significantly influenced and were, in turn, impacted by the politics within India.

India gained independence in a world recovering from a devastating war, grappling with reconstruction efforts, and witnessing the formation of new international bodies like the UN. Decolonization was underway, with many new nations facing the dual challenges of ensuring welfare and establishing democracy. India's foreign policy reflected these global concerns, alongside its own specific challenges: inherited international disputes from British rule, pressures from Partition, and the urgent need for poverty alleviation. This was the complex setting in which India embarked on its journey as an independent player in world affairs.

As a nation emerging from the backdrop of a world war, India chose to base its foreign relations on respecting the sovereignty of all nations and achieving security through peace, echoing the Directive Principles of State Policy in its Constitution. A nation's foreign policy is influenced by both internal (domestic) and external (international) factors. Developing countries often have limited resources to assert their concerns globally and tend to focus on more modest goals, prioritizing peace and development in their immediate neighborhood. Economic and security dependence on more powerful states can also influence their foreign policy choices.

In the period after WWII, many developing nations aligned with powerful countries providing aid, leading to a division of the world into two major blocs: one led by the United States and its Western allies, and the other by the Soviet Union. This era, known as the Cold War, significantly shaped international relations.

Information about Jawaharlal Nehru's quote on independence and foreign relations:

This quote emphasizes Jawaharlal Nehru's view that control over foreign relations is the fundamental test of a nation's independence. He argues that without the ability to conduct one's own foreign policy, a nation is not truly independent, regardless of its internal autonomy, highlighting the significance of international standing for sovereignty.

India began framing its foreign policy as the Cold War was just starting and the world was polarizing. The chapter examines whether India joined either camp and how successfully it navigated this period to maintain peace and avoid conflicts.

Constitutional principles guiding foreign policy:

Article 51 of the Indian Constitution sets out Directive Principles related to international peace and security, mandating the state to:

• Promote international peace and security.
• Maintain just and honorable relations between nations.
• Foster respect for international law and treaty obligations.
• Encourage the settlement of international disputes by arbitration.

These principles provide a framework for India's foreign policy objectives.

Policy Of Non-Alignment

The Indian national movement was part of a broader global struggle against colonialism and imperialism, influencing liberation movements across Asia and Africa. Indian nationalist leaders had pre-independence contacts with leaders of other colonies, united by their common fight against colonial rule. This shared history and the ideals of freedom and anti-imperialism deeply influenced India's foreign policy after independence.

Nehru’s Role

**Jawaharlal Nehru**, serving as both Prime Minister and Foreign Minister from 1946 to 1964, profoundly shaped India's foreign policy in the initial decades. His three main objectives were:

1. Preserving India's hard-earned **sovereignty**.
2. Protecting India's **territorial integrity**.
3. Promoting rapid **economic development**.

Nehru aimed to achieve these goals through the strategy of **non-alignment**.

While non-alignment was the dominant approach, there were dissenting voices. Some groups, like the Bharatiya Jan Sangh and later the Swatantra Party, and individuals like Dr. Ambedkar, favored closer ties with the US-led bloc, viewing it as aligned with democratic values and opposed to communism. However, Nehru's influence ensured non-alignment remained the cornerstone of India's foreign policy.

Distance From Two Camps

Independent India's foreign policy actively pursued global peace through the policy of non-alignment. This meant strategically keeping away from the military alliances formed by the US (NATO) and the Soviet Union (Warsaw Pact) during the Cold War. India advocated non-alignment as the ideal approach for developing nations, positioning itself as distinct from both power blocs. While aiming for a balanced approach, India's stance sometimes appeared inconsistent. For instance, India strongly protested the British attack on Egypt over the Suez Canal in 1956 but did not publicly condemn the Soviet invasion of Hungary in the same year. Despite such instances, India largely maintained an independent position on international issues and managed to secure aid and assistance from both blocs.

India's non-alignment policy caused some unease in Indo-US relations during the 1950s, particularly as the US was unhappy with India's independent foreign policy initiatives and its growing engagement with the Soviet Union.

Information about C. Rajagopalachari's quote:

This quote from C. Rajagopalachari, a senior Congress leader and later founder of the Swatantra Party, reflects a viewpoint critical of excessive focus on power and international councils, suggesting that true strength and leadership lie in a simple, virtuous life, seemingly contrasting this with the pursuit of global influence.

India's strategy of planned economic development, which emphasized import-substitution and building a domestic resource base, limited its economic interaction with the outside world and export-oriented growth, further distinguishing its approach from Western models.

Afro-Asian Unity

Given its size, location, and potential power, Nehru envisioned a significant role for India in global affairs, especially in Asia. His era saw India actively establishing connections with other newly independent states in Asia and Africa. Nehru was a strong proponent of **Asian unity** from the 1940s onwards. India hosted the **Asian Relations Conference in March 1947**, even before its own independence, demonstrating its commitment to regional solidarity. India also strongly supported the freedom struggle of Indonesia from Dutch colonial rule, convening an international conference in 1949 in its support.

India was a staunch advocate for decolonization and firmly opposed racism, including apartheid in South Africa. The **Bandung Conference** (Afro-Asian Conference) in Indonesia in 1955 was a high point of India's engagement with newly independent nations in Asia and Africa. This conference laid the foundation for the **Non-Aligned Movement (NAM)**, which was formally established at its first summit in Belgrade in September 1961. Nehru was one of the co-founders of NAM, alongside leaders like Sukarno (Indonesia), Nasser (Egypt), Tito (Yugoslavia), and Nkrumah (Ghana).

This photograph shows Jawaharlal Nehru alongside key leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement – Nkrumah, Nasser, Sukarno, and Tito – at a meeting in New York in 1960, representing the core leadership that championed the cause of non-alignment for newly independent nations during the Cold War.

Peace And Conflict With China

In contrast to the relationship with Pakistan, independent India initially started its relationship with China on a very positive note. After the Chinese revolution in 1949, India was among the first countries to recognize the new communist government. Nehru strongly supported China in international forums, empathizing with its emergence from Western dominance. While some Indian leaders like Vallabhbhai Patel expressed concerns about potential future Chinese aggression, Nehru considered it highly unlikely, leading to the border initially being guarded by paramilitary forces rather than the army.

A cornerstone of the early friendly relationship was the joint articulation of **Panchsheel (the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence)** by Prime Minister Nehru and Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai on 29 April 1954. These principles included mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty, mutual non-aggression, mutual non-interference in internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. High-level visits between leaders were marked by warmth and friendly crowds.

This image captures the arrival of the Dalai Lama and Tibetan refugees in India in 1959, an event that strained Indo-China relations as China protested against India granting asylum to the Tibetan spiritual leader.

Information about Tibet:

Tibet, a plateau region in Central Asia, historically experienced periods of independence and Chinese administrative control. It became a major issue causing tension between India and China. In 1950, China asserted control over Tibet, suppressing opposition from large parts of the Tibetan population. India initially did not openly oppose this but became uneasy with reports of suppression of Tibetan culture. In the 1954 Panchsheel agreement, India conceded China's claim over Tibet by agreeing to respect China's territorial integrity and sovereignty. The Dalai Lama, the Tibetan spiritual leader, visited India in 1956 with Zhou Enlai and informed Nehru about the worsening situation in Tibet. China had assured India of granting Tibet autonomy. However, an armed uprising in Tibet against Chinese rule in 1958 was suppressed. In 1959, the Dalai Lama fled to India seeking political asylum, which India granted. This decision led to strong protests from the Chinese government. Many Tibetans have since sought refuge in India, with large settlements, including Dharmashala in Himachal Pradesh, which became the Dalai Lama's home in India. In the 1950s and 1960s, some Indian political parties supported Tibet's independence cause. Tibetans continue to oppose Chinese claims and policies, arguing that China undermines their culture and religion and limits true autonomy.

The Chinese Invasion, 1962

Two major developments strained Indo-China relations, leading to the 1962 conflict:

1. Tibet: China's annexation of Tibet in 1950 eliminated a historical buffer zone between the two countries. India's growing unease over the suppression of Tibetan culture and its decision to grant political asylum to the Dalai Lama in 1959 angered China, which accused India of supporting anti-China activities.
2. Boundary Dispute: A dispute over the long border resurfaced. While India considered the boundary (based on the McMahon Line in the east and historical treaties in the west) as settled by colonial agreements, China viewed these as inapplicable. The main disputed areas were the Aksai Chin region in Ladakh (western sector) and much of what is now Arunachal Pradesh (then NEFA - North Eastern Frontier Agency) in the eastern sector. Between 1957 and 1959, China occupied Aksai Chin and built a strategic road there. Despite high-level talks, disputes and small border skirmishes continued.

In October 1962, while global attention was focused on the Cuban Missile Crisis, China launched a sudden and massive invasion on both disputed border regions. The first week saw Chinese forces capture key areas in Arunachal Pradesh. A second attack followed in November, with Chinese forces advancing close to the plains of Assam in the east, while Indian forces managed to block advances in Ladakh in the west. Eventually, China declared a unilateral ceasefire and withdrew its troops to their pre-invasion positions.

This R. K. Laxman cartoon, titled 'China roller', likely represents China's aggressive military action in the 1962 war as an unstoppable force rolling over India's defenses, reflecting the surprise and magnitude of the Chinese invasion.

The 1962 war had significant consequences for India:

• It severely **dented India's image** internationally (requiring military aid from the US and UK) and domestically, inducing a sense of national humiliation while also strengthening nationalism.
• It led to leadership changes, including the resignation of Defense Minister V. K. Krishna Menon and severe criticism of Nehru for his perceived misjudgment of China and lack of preparedness.
• A no-confidence motion was debated against Nehru's government for the first time.
• The political mood in the country shifted, leading to the Congress losing some by-elections.

Information about V.K. Krishna Menon:

V.K. Krishna Menon (1897-1974) was a diplomat and politician closely associated with Nehru. Active in the Labour Party in the UK, he served as India's High Commissioner there and later headed India's UN delegation. He joined the Union Cabinet in 1956, becoming Defence Minister in 1957, but resigned after the 1962 India-China war due to criticism regarding military preparedness.

Information about Fast Forward: Sino-Indian relations since 1962:

Normal relations between India and China took over a decade to resume, with full diplomatic ties restored in 1976. Atal Behari Vajpayee, as External Affairs Minister, visited China in 1979, followed by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi (the first after Nehru) in 1988. Since then, the relationship has increasingly focused on **trade**. Despite continuing border disputes, economic ties have grown significantly, and both countries cooperate in certain international forums, as discussed in the chapter on Alternative Centres of Power.

Information about the film Haqeeqat:

The 1964 Hindi film "Haqeeqat," set against the backdrop of the 1962 war, is an early war film that portrays the valor and suffering of Indian soldiers during the Chinese invasion. It blends fictional narrative with documentary footage, paying tribute to the soldiers while also reflecting the political frustration over the conflict and the perceived betrayal by China, contributing to the national sentiment after the war.

The Sino-Indian conflict also impacted opposition parties. The growing ideological split between China and the Soviet Union created divisions within the Communist Party of India (CPI). The pro-USSR faction remained CPI and moved closer to Congress, while the other faction, initially pro-China and anti-Congress, split in 1964 to form the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI-M). Many CPI(M) leaders were arrested after the war on suspicion of being pro-China.

The war also highlighted India's vulnerability in the Northeast region, prompting reorganization and granting statehood (Nagaland) or legislative assemblies (Manipur, Tripura) to address challenges of integration and development.

Wars And Peace With Pakistan

India's conflict with Pakistan began almost immediately after Partition, primarily over the disputed territory of **Kashmir**. A 'proxy war' involving Indian and Pakistani armies broke out in Kashmir in 1947 but was referred to the UN, preventing it from escalating into a full-scale war at that point. Pakistan's alignment with the US-led bloc and later its relationship with China became significant factors influencing India's foreign policy.

Despite the Kashmir conflict, there were instances of cooperation. Both governments worked together on humanitarian issues like restoring women abducted during Partition. A long-standing dispute over the sharing of Indus river waters was resolved through World Bank mediation, leading to the **Indus Waters Treaty in 1960**, signed by Nehru and General Ayub Khan. This treaty has remained remarkably effective despite subsequent conflicts.

A more serious armed conflict occurred in **1965**. Under Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri, India faced Pakistani attacks in the Rann of Kutch (Gujarat) in April and a larger offensive in Jammu and Kashmir in August-September. Pakistan hoped for local support in Kashmir, but it did not materialize. India responded by launching a counter-offensive on the Punjab border, reaching close to Lahore in fierce fighting. Hostilities ended with UN intervention and the signing of the **Tashkent Agreement** (brokered by the Soviet Union) in January 1966 between Shastri and Ayub Khan. While India inflicted military losses, the war strained its already difficult economic situation.

This cartoon comments on the India-Pakistan wars, suggesting that these conflicts are primarily between leaders and armies, with ordinary citizens having little involvement or say. It raises questions about who initiates and benefits from warfare, implicitly separating state-level conflict from the lives of the general population.

Bangladesh War, 1971

Beginning in 1970, Pakistan faced a major internal crisis. Its first general election resulted in a divided outcome: Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's party won in West Pakistan, while Sheikh Mujib-ur Rahman's Awami League swept East Pakistan (present-day Bangladesh). The Bengali population of East Pakistan had voted to protest years of being treated as second-class citizens by the West Pakistan-based rulers, demanding autonomy. However, the Pakistani rulers refused to accept the democratic verdict or the demand for federation.

In early 1971, the Pakistani army arrested Sheikh Mujib and launched a brutal crackdown on the people of East Pakistan, unleashing a reign of terror. This triggered a struggle for the liberation of 'Bangladesh'. Throughout 1971, India bore the burden of about 80 lakh (8 million) refugees from East Pakistan. India provided moral and material support to the liberation struggle, which Pakistan viewed as a conspiracy to break it up.

This iconic image shows Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Pakistani President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto signing the Shimla Agreement in 1972, formally bringing an end to the 1971 war and initiating a process for restoring peace between the two countries.

Pakistan received support from the US and China, whose growing rapprochement in the late 1960s led to a realignment in Asia. To counter this US-Pakistan-China axis, India signed a **20-year Treaty of Peace and Friendship with the Soviet Union in August 1971**, securing Soviet support in case of attack.

After months of tension, a full-scale war erupted in December 1971. Pakistani forces attacked in the west, and India retaliated on both fronts with coordinated air force, navy, and army actions. The Indian army, supported by the local population in East Pakistan, advanced rapidly and achieved a decisive victory within ten days, leading to the surrender of the Pakistani army (around 90,000 troops) in East Pakistan. India declared a unilateral ceasefire. The war ended with the signing of the **Shimla Agreement** between Indira Gandhi and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto on 3 July 1972, formalizing the peace.

The decisive victory was a moment of national pride in India, showcasing its growing military capability and significantly boosting the popularity of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who had recently won the 1971 Lok Sabha elections. The victory also contributed to the Congress party's success in subsequent state assembly elections.

Information about Fast Forward: Kargil Confrontation:

In early 1999, tensions escalated when forces claiming to be Mujahideens occupied points on the Indian side of the Line of Control (LoC) in the Kargil region of Jammu and Kashmir. India suspected the involvement of the Pakistan Army, leading to the **Kargil conflict** in May-June 1999. India successfully regained control of the occupied points by 26 July 1999. This conflict drew global attention because both India and Pakistan had declared themselves nuclear powers the previous year. The conflict remained localized to Kargil. In Pakistan, it sparked controversy, with allegations that the Prime Minister was not fully informed by the Army Chief. Shortly after the conflict, the Pakistan Army, led by General Pervez Musharraf, overthrew the civilian government.

Military conflicts with neighbors, particularly the 1962 war with China and wars with Pakistan, impacted India's planned development efforts. Scarce resources were diverted to defense, necessitating military modernization after 1962. The Third Plan (1961-66) was affected, followed by annual plans, and the Fourth Plan was delayed until 1969. India's defense expenditure increased significantly after these wars.

India’s Nuclear Policy

A significant development in India's defense policy was its first **nuclear explosion in May 1974**. Jawaharlal Nehru had long advocated for using science and technology, including nuclear energy, for peaceful purposes as part of his vision for a modern India. The nuclear program began in the late 1940s under Homi J. Bhabha, aiming to generate atomic energy for peaceful uses. Nehru was initially against nuclear weapons and advocated for comprehensive nuclear disarmament by the superpowers, but the global nuclear arsenal continued to grow.

Following China's nuclear test in October 1964, the five nuclear-weapon states (US, USSR, UK, France, China - then represented by Taiwan) attempted to impose the **Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1968** on other countries. India consistently viewed the NPT as discriminatory, as it allowed the five powers to retain their weapons while preventing others from acquiring them, and therefore refused to sign it. When India conducted its first nuclear test in 1974, it characterized it as a **'peaceful explosion'**, reaffirming its commitment to using nuclear power solely for peaceful purposes.

The period of the 1974 nuclear test was marked by domestic political and economic difficulties, including high inflation caused by the 1973 Oil Shock and nationwide agitations. Despite occasional differences among parties on foreign policy specifics, there is a broad consensus in Indian politics regarding national integration, border protection, and national interest. Foreign policy has generally not been a central point of contention in party politics, even during periods of war (1962-1971) or later when different parties held power.

Information about Shifting alliances in world politics:

This section notes that with changes in global politics, including the rise of non-Congress governments in India from 1977 and the decline of the Soviet Union after 1990, India's foreign policy adapted. The Janata Party government (1977) aimed for 'genuine non-alignment', suggesting a correction of the perceived pro-Soviet tilt. Subsequently, governments of all parties have sought improved relations with China and closer ties with the US. In the post-1990 era, India's foreign policy has shown a more pro-US orientation, partly due to Russia's reduced global prominence and the increasing influence of economic interests in international relations. However, Indo-Pakistan relations continue to be shaped by the Kashmir issue, despite ongoing efforts to restore normal relations, including cultural exchanges, easing travel, and economic cooperation, which have seen some achievements like cross-border train and bus services, although these efforts have faced setbacks, as seen in the 1999 Kargil conflict.

Information about Fast Forward: India’s Nuclear Programme:

India has consistently opposed discriminatory international treaties on nuclear non-proliferation, such as the NPT (which it refused to sign) and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT - which it also refused to sign), arguing they legitimize the nuclear monopoly of a few states while restricting others. In May 1998, India conducted a series of nuclear tests, demonstrating its capability to use nuclear energy for military purposes. Pakistan responded with its own tests, increasing the risk of nuclear conflict in the region. The international community criticized these tests and imposed sanctions (later waived). India's official nuclear doctrine is based on **'credible minimum deterrence'** and includes a pledge of **'no first use'** of nuclear weapons, while reiterating its commitment to global, verifiable, and non-discriminatory nuclear disarmament leading to a nuclear-weapons-free world.